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Tsipras and Merkel: polar opposites who depend entirely on each other Tsipras and Merkel: polar opposites who depend entirely on each other
(about 3 hours later)
They are a study in contrasts, the yin and the yang of Europe’s epic battle for mastery of its destiny. But Angela Merkel and Alexis Tsipras are now almost umbilically linked – the political fate of the one hinging on the policy choices of the other.They are a study in contrasts, the yin and the yang of Europe’s epic battle for mastery of its destiny. But Angela Merkel and Alexis Tsipras are now almost umbilically linked – the political fate of the one hinging on the policy choices of the other.
Related: Greek debt crisis: Emergency summit begins - live updates
Going into yet another emergency Brussels summit of EU leaders on Tuesday evening, the German chancellor and the Greek prime minister were the main protagonists in a meeting called to decide whether Greece stays in the euro.Going into yet another emergency Brussels summit of EU leaders on Tuesday evening, the German chancellor and the Greek prime minister were the main protagonists in a meeting called to decide whether Greece stays in the euro.
The leaders wanted to hear what Tsipras wanted, and how Merkel would respond. Buoyed by his victorious gamble in Sunday’s Greek referendum, Tsipras was under intense pressure to make his mind up and deliver an offer with prospects. Stunned by the boldness of the referendum call and defeated by its outcome, Merkel was under strong domestic pressure not to give further ground. The leaders wanted to hear what Tsipras wanted and how Merkel would respond. Buoyed by his victorious gamble in Sunday’s Greek referendum, Tsipras was under intense pressure to make up his mind and deliver an offer with prospects. Stunned by the boldness of the referendum call and defeated by its outcome, Merkel was under strong domestic pressure not to give further ground.
The space between them and whether it can be bridged is the main factor determining whether Greece is pulled back from the brink of isolation, financial collapse and social implosion, or whether Europe faces one of its biggest collective failures by casting Greece out of the euro.The space between them and whether it can be bridged is the main factor determining whether Greece is pulled back from the brink of isolation, financial collapse and social implosion, or whether Europe faces one of its biggest collective failures by casting Greece out of the euro.
The Greek and the German are locked in a battle of wills and nerves in which the stakes could not be higher, both for their countries and their own careers.The Greek and the German are locked in a battle of wills and nerves in which the stakes could not be higher, both for their countries and their own careers.
Merkel created Tsipras. Were it not for five years of wrenching German-scripted austerity in Greece, the leftist radical could not have dreamed of becoming prime minister in January.Merkel created Tsipras. Were it not for five years of wrenching German-scripted austerity in Greece, the leftist radical could not have dreamed of becoming prime minister in January.
But if she made his political career, he now has a big say in settling her political legacy. Whether Merkel goes down in history as the German chancellor who presided over the breakup of the euro by allowing its irreversibility to be shown to be a sham also depends on Athens.But if she made his political career, he now has a big say in settling her political legacy. Whether Merkel goes down in history as the German chancellor who presided over the breakup of the euro by allowing its irreversibility to be shown to be a sham also depends on Athens.
The leaders could hardly be more different. It has fallen to Merkel to save Europe. Tsipras wants to change Europe. It is a fundamental clash of conservatism versus radicalism. Locked in a form of mutual dependency, both can succeed only in relative terms.The leaders could hardly be more different. It has fallen to Merkel to save Europe. Tsipras wants to change Europe. It is a fundamental clash of conservatism versus radicalism. Locked in a form of mutual dependency, both can succeed only in relative terms.
Tsipras is of the far left and has been engaged in firebrand politics since his teenage days. Merkel is of the centre right and shunned politics almost entirely until the Berlin Wall fell, opening up opportunities for a shy, middle-aged scientist living in East Germany.Tsipras is of the far left and has been engaged in firebrand politics since his teenage days. Merkel is of the centre right and shunned politics almost entirely until the Berlin Wall fell, opening up opportunities for a shy, middle-aged scientist living in East Germany.
He is a gambler. She is risk averse. He professes to be a visionary and a missionary. She eschews grand schemes, preferring the virtues of modesty, patience, and self-deprecation. For Tsipras, the end seems to justify the means. For Merkel, the means are the main thing: it is seldom clear what her end might be.He is a gambler. She is risk averse. He professes to be a visionary and a missionary. She eschews grand schemes, preferring the virtues of modesty, patience, and self-deprecation. For Tsipras, the end seems to justify the means. For Merkel, the means are the main thing: it is seldom clear what her end might be.
Tsipras is criticised as a populist, even a demagogue. Merkel has an acute nose for public opinion and popular sentiment, but could never be accused of ranting.Tsipras is criticised as a populist, even a demagogue. Merkel has an acute nose for public opinion and popular sentiment, but could never be accused of ranting.
What they have in common is a tendency towards pragmatism, the ruthlessness common in national leaders, and degrees of inscrutability which make it difficult to gauge where they will bend and where they will refuse to compromise. What they have in common is a tendency towards pragmatism, the ruthlessness common in national leaders and degrees of inscrutability which make it difficult to gauge where they will bend and where they will refuse to compromise.
In 10 years in office that have become synonymous with the euro crisis and made the German chancellor the single most indispensible leader in Europe, Merkel has seen off five Greek prime ministers. In less than six months in office, Tsipras has, in certain ways, proved to be the most formidable of the six she has faced. In 10 years in office that have become synonymous with the euro crisis and made the German chancellor the single most indispensable leader in Europe, Merkel has seen off five Greek prime ministers. In less than six months in office, Tsipras has, in certain ways, proved to be the most formidable of the six she has faced.
When George Papandreou concluded bailout negotiations with the eurozone in 2011 by calling a referendum, Merkel co-plotted his downfall. He went and there was no plebiscite. When Antonis Samaras pleaded with her for help last year on many of the same austerity measures Tsipras is resisting, she spurned him, kept up the pressure and told him to get lost. Samaras then authored his own political crisis and lost office, too. This week, following Tsipras’s referendum win, Samaras resigned as leader of the centre right.When George Papandreou concluded bailout negotiations with the eurozone in 2011 by calling a referendum, Merkel co-plotted his downfall. He went and there was no plebiscite. When Antonis Samaras pleaded with her for help last year on many of the same austerity measures Tsipras is resisting, she spurned him, kept up the pressure and told him to get lost. Samaras then authored his own political crisis and lost office, too. This week, following Tsipras’s referendum win, Samaras resigned as leader of the centre right.
Related: Eurozone tells Greece not to expect debt relief any time soonRelated: Eurozone tells Greece not to expect debt relief any time soon
But through five months of negotiations with Merkel and the others in the eurozone, the European Central Bank, and the International Monetary Fund, Tsipras has redefined the art of political brinkmanship. He has yet to blink, even if that means ruin for his country.But through five months of negotiations with Merkel and the others in the eurozone, the European Central Bank, and the International Monetary Fund, Tsipras has redefined the art of political brinkmanship. He has yet to blink, even if that means ruin for his country.
Ten days ago, in Brussels, he met Merkel privately, gave no clue of his intentions, attended yet another summit and then returned home. At midnight, out of the blue, he set alarm bells ringing across Europe by calling the referendum.Ten days ago, in Brussels, he met Merkel privately, gave no clue of his intentions, attended yet another summit and then returned home. At midnight, out of the blue, he set alarm bells ringing across Europe by calling the referendum.
But Merkel, too, is perfectly capable of pulling a fast one with chilling single-mindedness. These climactic weeks that are so important to both leaders started late on a Monday evening five weeks ago. On 1 June, Merkel suddenly summoned a quartet of creditors’ leaders to a late-night, mini-summit in her office in Berlin. She told neither her finance minister, Wolfgang Schäuble, or Jeroen Dijsselbloem, the head of the eurozone finance ministers’ committee. Instead, the quartet joining Merkel – the French president, Francois Hollande, Christine Lagarde, the head of the IMF, Mario Draghi, the president of the ECB, and Jean-Claude Juncker, the head of the European Commission – decided to force a finale on the Greek crisis by producing a five-page aide-memoire dictating the austerity measures Tsipras would need to accept if he wanted to keep being funded by the eurozone. But Merkel, too, is perfectly capable of pulling a fast one with chilling single-mindedness. These climactic weeks that are so important to both leaders started late on a Monday evening five weeks ago.
On 1 June, Merkel suddenly summoned a quartet of creditors’ leaders to a late night mini-summit in her office in Berlin. She told neither her finance minister, Wolfgang Schäuble, or Jeroen Dijsselbloem, the head of the eurozone finance ministers’ committee. Instead, the quartet joining Merkel – the French president, Francois Hollande, Christine Lagarde, the head of the IMF, Mario Draghi, the president of the ECB, and Jean-Claude Juncker, the head of the European commission – decided to force a finale on the Greek crisis by producing a five-page aide-memoire dictating the austerity measures Tsipras would need to accept if he wanted to keep being funded by the eurozone.
It was an ultimatum from Merkel to Tsipras. Everything in the past five weeks flowed from that meeting in the Berlin chancellery. The final outcome was being plotted in Brussels on Tuesday night, with Tsipras proposing and Merkel determining the course of events.It was an ultimatum from Merkel to Tsipras. Everything in the past five weeks flowed from that meeting in the Berlin chancellery. The final outcome was being plotted in Brussels on Tuesday night, with Tsipras proposing and Merkel determining the course of events.
They have never needed one another so much.They have never needed one another so much.