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Mixed feelings among Greek yes voters after referendum defeat Mixed feelings among Greek yes voters after referendum defeat
(about 2 hours later)
In Greece’s second city of Thessaloniki, Gregoris, 43, a Greek civil servant sipping iced coffee in a square, was feeling, as he put it, “pretty sad” as a yes voter in a referendum that was won resoundingly by the no campaign.In Greece’s second city of Thessaloniki, Gregoris, 43, a Greek civil servant sipping iced coffee in a square, was feeling, as he put it, “pretty sad” as a yes voter in a referendum that was won resoundingly by the no campaign.
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Describing himself as a conservative who nevertheless had utter disdain for Greece’s conservative politicians, he said: “I voted yes because I wanted to say Greece’s place is firmly in the eurozone and European Union. My two kids need to grow up knowing that Europe is Greece’s future. Look at the countries outside Europe, like Albania: they’ve not no infrastructure, nothing.”Describing himself as a conservative who nevertheless had utter disdain for Greece’s conservative politicians, he said: “I voted yes because I wanted to say Greece’s place is firmly in the eurozone and European Union. My two kids need to grow up knowing that Europe is Greece’s future. Look at the countries outside Europe, like Albania: they’ve not no infrastructure, nothing.”
He thought the bank closures and capital controls had caused great damage and were making Greece seem “like the third world”. His felt lucky that he had received his public sector paycheque on 27 June and cashed it, stashing the money at home, just before the banks closed. “I don’t know how next month’s salary will be paid,” he said. He thought the bank closures and capital controls had caused great damage and were making Greece seem “like the third world”. His felt lucky that he had received his public sector pay cheque on 27 June and cashed it, stashing the money at home, just before the banks closed. “I don’t know how next month’s salary will be paid,” he said.
Like many yes voters, Gregoris didn’t have any rancour for those who voted no. He understood why people felt battered by five years of austerity, and thought the reasons for the yes vote’s failure were clear. Like many yes voters, Gregoris did not have any rancour for those who voted no. He understood why people felt battered by five years of austerity, and thought the reasons for the yes vote’s failure were clear.
“One big factor was the relentless pro-yes propaganda on privately owned TV stations. It completely backfired. It had a boomerang effect,” he said. He felt the high-pitched, one-sided hysteria and scaremongering on many TV stations had pushed people towards a no.“One big factor was the relentless pro-yes propaganda on privately owned TV stations. It completely backfired. It had a boomerang effect,” he said. He felt the high-pitched, one-sided hysteria and scaremongering on many TV stations had pushed people towards a no.
After a hasty six-day campaign and a convoluted question that many didn’t understand, the referendum was not a simplistic division between left and right, nor purely along lines of class and age. Indeed, the yes and no camps didn’t even divide along the line of who did or didn’t want to stay in the euro, because polls have shown that a majority of Greeks want to keep the single currency.After a hasty six-day campaign and a convoluted question that many didn’t understand, the referendum was not a simplistic division between left and right, nor purely along lines of class and age. Indeed, the yes and no camps didn’t even divide along the line of who did or didn’t want to stay in the euro, because polls have shown that a majority of Greeks want to keep the single currency.
But it was clear that the result would have political implications across all parties. The no vote has not just boosted the standing of the radical left prime minister, Alexis Tsipras, it has also laid bare the deep distrust of politicians of the centre-left and right who were in power for years.But it was clear that the result would have political implications across all parties. The no vote has not just boosted the standing of the radical left prime minister, Alexis Tsipras, it has also laid bare the deep distrust of politicians of the centre-left and right who were in power for years.
The former prime minister Antonis Samaras, of the New Democracy party, swiftly announced his resignation as leader of the opposition, conceding on TV that “our great party needs a new start”. The role of an array of former prime ministers and party figures in the yes campaign had angered and alienated voters who held them responsible for the clientelism, failure to reform and the austerity policies that had plunged Greece into its current mess.The former prime minister Antonis Samaras, of the New Democracy party, swiftly announced his resignation as leader of the opposition, conceding on TV that “our great party needs a new start”. The role of an array of former prime ministers and party figures in the yes campaign had angered and alienated voters who held them responsible for the clientelism, failure to reform and the austerity policies that had plunged Greece into its current mess.
Many hoped the referendum would at least be a turning point against a political class that was now utterly discredited. Ioannis Papageorgiou, a professor at the school of political sciences at Aristotle University in Thessaloniki, said he had voted yes partly because he felt Greece needed “to learn again to view Europe as a partner and not as enemy and put an end to political isolation and to isolationist behaviour”.Many hoped the referendum would at least be a turning point against a political class that was now utterly discredited. Ioannis Papageorgiou, a professor at the school of political sciences at Aristotle University in Thessaloniki, said he had voted yes partly because he felt Greece needed “to learn again to view Europe as a partner and not as enemy and put an end to political isolation and to isolationist behaviour”.
He felt one of the reasons the yes camp had lost was that its campaign was “more based on fear rather than logic. In a way, sentiment is more powerful and more easily expressed than the economic reasoning and argument.” He said it was “a victory of anger over reason”, and the anger was easy to understand. “The no vote also became a vote of sanction against the former political establishment.”He felt one of the reasons the yes camp had lost was that its campaign was “more based on fear rather than logic. In a way, sentiment is more powerful and more easily expressed than the economic reasoning and argument.” He said it was “a victory of anger over reason”, and the anger was easy to understand. “The no vote also became a vote of sanction against the former political establishment.”
Tsipras was now in an utterly dominant political position, Papageorgiou said. “He completely outmanouevred every other political personality.” He feared that the referendum would leave its marks on the psyche and language in Greece, arguing that despite an overall adhesion to the euro, there was a real disenchantment with the European project. There was a tendency “of always blaming others, rather than looking at the fact that we have an ineffective state.”Tsipras was now in an utterly dominant political position, Papageorgiou said. “He completely outmanouevred every other political personality.” He feared that the referendum would leave its marks on the psyche and language in Greece, arguing that despite an overall adhesion to the euro, there was a real disenchantment with the European project. There was a tendency “of always blaming others, rather than looking at the fact that we have an ineffective state.”
Some who had voted yes felt let down that previous governments had failed to make difficult structural reforms, for example of certain areas of the public sector. Lina Papadopoulou, associate professor of Hellenic and European constitutional law at Aristotle University, said: “Tspiras now has to prove he doesn’t only have good qualities in politics, but can produce good policies themselves.”Some who had voted yes felt let down that previous governments had failed to make difficult structural reforms, for example of certain areas of the public sector. Lina Papadopoulou, associate professor of Hellenic and European constitutional law at Aristotle University, said: “Tspiras now has to prove he doesn’t only have good qualities in politics, but can produce good policies themselves.”
The mood among yes voters was far from clear-cut. Theodoros, 40, a Thessaloniki shop assistant, had voted yes but said he was delighted that the no won. “I’ve got a stable job and a good employer, my wife is pregnant and unemployed. I voted yes at the last minute because I was terrified by the scare stories I was seeing on TV about how Greece would fall into chaos with a no vote,” he said. The mood among yes voters was far from clear cut. Theodoros, 40, a Thessaloniki shop assistant, voted yes but said he was delighted that no won. “I’ve got a stable job and a good employer, my wife is pregnant and unemployed. I voted yes at the last minute because I was terrified by the scare stories I was seeing on TV about how Greece would fall into chaos with a no vote,” he said.
“For all these past years of austerity, those TV stations haven’t been showing the poverty. Now they were really scaring me, showing queues outside banks. I thought to keep my job, I should vote yes. But when the no vote won, I was actually very relieved.”“For all these past years of austerity, those TV stations haven’t been showing the poverty. Now they were really scaring me, showing queues outside banks. I thought to keep my job, I should vote yes. But when the no vote won, I was actually very relieved.”