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With Beijing’s Voting Plan Dead, Hong Kong Looks for Way Forward With Beijing’s Voting Plan Dead, Hong Kong Looks for Way Forward
(35 minutes later)
HONG KONG — With the rejection by pro-democracy legislators here of a Beijing-backed plan let the public elect Hong Kong’s top officials, the territory’s political evolution is in limbo, with people on both sides of the issue caught in the question of what happens next. HONG KONG — In a meeting with Hong Kong’s pro-democracy legislators a few weeks ago, a group of European diplomats urged them to support something they had campaigned against for months: a plan, backed by Beijing, to let the public elect Hong Kong’s top official.
The legislators were unmoved by a group of European diplomats who several weeks ago urged them to allow the elections, arguing that even though they would be restricted to candidates approved by Beijing, some democracy was better than none, according to people who were at the meeting. Even though those elections would be restricted to candidates approved by a pro-Beijing committee — a poison pill for the Hong Kong democrats — several of the diplomats, through pointed questions to the lawmakers, argued that some democracy was better than none, according to people who were there.
But the lawmakers stuck to their guns, buoyed by the street protests that erupted last year after Beijing announced its election guidelines. They effectively killed the plan on June 18, leaving Hong Kong with the longtime status quo under which its leader is appointed by a Beijing-friendly committee, with the public having no vote. “I phrased the question in such a way as they could understand that they should vote for it,” said a Western diplomat who attended the June 3 meeting, and who spoke on the condition of anonymity in order to talk freely without seeking higher approval. “Some of us were advocating that it may be better to vote yes and take it.”
Since then, a pro-democratic lawmaker resigned and announced a plan to start a centrist party. Beijing’s loyalists in the Hong Kong legislature, meanwhile, have been trying to explain a parliamentary blunder that left the election plan with just eight votes in support. But the lawmakers stuck to their guns, buoyed by the street protests that erupted last year after Beijing announced its election guidelines. On June 18, the lawmakers’ rejection effectively killed the plan, leaving Hong Kong with the longtime status quo under which its leader is appointed by a Beijing-friendly committee, with the public having no vote.
Under the mini-constitution that governs Hong Kong, negotiated with Britain before the former colony was returned to Chinese sovereignty, Beijing had agreed to eventually allow voters to choose their top official, known as the chief executive. But any such system must get the imprimatur of the central government, and there is no indication that the mainland is in a hurry to make it a reality after the defeat of its plan, which had been intended to go into effect in 2017, when the next chief executive will be chosen. Now, Hong Kong’s political evolution is in limbo, and in the week since the vote, people on both sides of the issue have been caught up with the question of what happens next. A pro-democracy lawmaker resigned and announced a plan to start a centrist party. Beijing’s loyalists in the 70-memberHong Kong legislature, meanwhile, have been trying to explain a parliamentary blunder that left the election plan with just eight votes in support.
Voters will most likely have to wait until at least 2022 for the chance to expand the franchise, and even then, there is no sign Beijing will soften its stance. Under the mini-constitution that governs Hong Kong, negotiated with Britain before the former colony was returned to Chinese sovereignty, Beijing had agreed to eventually allow voters to choose their top official, known as the chief executive. But any such system must get the imprimatur of the central government, and there is no indication that Beijing is in a hurry to make it a reality after the defeat of its plan, which had been intended to go into effect in 2017 — when the next chief executive will be chosen. Voters will most likely have to wait until at least 2022.
“It is very unlikely that the Hong Kong government or the central government will relaunch the political reform again within this government term,” said Holden Chow, a vice chairman of the biggest pro-Beijing party, the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong.“It is very unlikely that the Hong Kong government or the central government will relaunch the political reform again within this government term,” said Holden Chow, a vice chairman of the biggest pro-Beijing party, the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong.
Like the European diplomats, Mr. Chow said the bloc of lawmakers who voted against the measure — collectively called the pan-democrats — lost their best chance to improve the system. Even candidates screened by Beijing would have had to woo the pan-democrats’ legions of supporters to win election as chief executive, introducing a new dynamic in Hong Kong politics, the argument goes. Moreover, they said, the system could have been improved for subsequent elections. Like the European diplomats, Mr. Chow said the bloc of lawmakers who voted against the measure — collectively called the pan-democrats — lost their best chance to improve the system. Even candidates screened by Beijing would have had to woo the pan-democrats’ legions of supporters to win election as chief executive, introducing a new dynamic in Hong Kong politics, the argument goes.
The pan-democrats insist that the fight for true democracy must go on. But they have yet to articulate a clear strategy as they face the seemingly unmovable resolve of the Chinese Communist Party, which in mainland China is waging a campaign against Western notions of democracy and civil liberties. The pan-democrats insist that the fight for true democracy must go on. But they have yet to articulate a clear strategy as they face the seemingly unmovable resolve of the Chinese Communist Party.
For now, the pan-democrats’ approach seems to be grim resolve, hoping for a future government in Beijing that is more sympathetic to their desire for elections with a broader range of candidates.For now, the pan-democrats’ approach seems to be grim resolve, hoping for a future government in Beijing that is more sympathetic to their desire for elections with a broader range of candidates.
“I speak for lots of Democrats,” said Martin Lee, the founder of Hong Kong’s Democratic Party, who helped put together Hong Kong’s mini-constitution, called the Basic Law. “The reason why we wanted to vote it down is not because we wanted the status quo. No, that was never our intention.” “I speak for lots of Democrats,” said Martin Lee, the founder of Hong Kong’s Democratic Party, who helped create the Basic Law, Hong Kong’s mini-constitution. “The reason why we wanted to vote it down is not because we wanted the status quo.”
“The intention was to vote it down to force Beijing to have a better deal,” he added. He added, “The intention was to vote it down to force Beijing to have a better deal.”
Mr. Lee said Beijing was paying a price for setting such strict election guidelines for Hong Kong. The “one country, two systems” formula under which Hong Kong was returned to China in 1997, while retaining its own laws and liberties until 2047, is also the system that Beijing wants to use to eventually lure Taiwan, ruled separately since 1949, back under its control. But Beijing’s heavy-handed tactics, which set off the Hong Kong protests last year, have made reunification with Taiwan even more remote, Mr. Lee said. Mr. Lee said Beijing was paying a price for setting such strict election guidelines for Hong Kong. The “one country, two systems” formula under which Hong Kong was returned to China in 1997, while retaining its own laws and liberties until 2047, is also the system Beijing wants to use to eventually lure Taiwan, ruled separately since 1949, back under its control. But Beijing’s heavy-handed tactics, which set off the Hong Kong protests last year, have made reunification with Taiwan even more remote, Mr. Lee said.
To some, the failure to pass an election law is a result of the immovability not only of Beijing but also of the pan-democrats. Ronny Tong, a pan-democratic lawmaker who voted against the election proposal, announced his resignation from the Legislative Council after the vote. He said he was as dismayed by his allies’ inflexibility as he was with Beijing’s mistrust of the pan-democrats. Healso said he wanted to change the dynamic, eventually building a new centrist political party that pushes for democratization but strives to maintain cordial ties with China’s leaders. To some, the failure to pass an election law is a result of the immovability not only of Beijing but also of the pan-democrats. Ronny Tong, a pan-democratic lawmaker who voted against the election proposal, announced his resignation from the Legislative Council after the vote. He said he was as dismayed by his allies’ inflexibility as he was with Beijing’s mistrust of the pan-democrats. He also said he wanted to eventually build a new centrist political party that pushes for democratization but strives to maintain cordial ties with China’s leaders.
“The impression I get is that they regarded the pan-democrats as being far too intransigent, not willing to give way in any form,” Mr. Tong said by telephone, referring to officials in Beijing with whom he met this year. “The pan-democrats unfortunately also see Beijing in the same light.”“The impression I get is that they regarded the pan-democrats as being far too intransigent, not willing to give way in any form,” Mr. Tong said by telephone, referring to officials in Beijing with whom he met this year. “The pan-democrats unfortunately also see Beijing in the same light.”
Mr. Tong said that patching up ties with Beijing and achieving real change in Hong Kong’s elections was not a pie-in-the-sky idea.Mr. Tong said that patching up ties with Beijing and achieving real change in Hong Kong’s elections was not a pie-in-the-sky idea.
The idea of a new centrist party opens the possibility — however remote — that Mr. Tong could field enough successful candidates for next year’s Legislative Council elections to become a power broker. The idea of a new centrist party opens the possibility — however remote — that he could field enough successful candidates for next year’s Legislative Council elections to become a power broker.
“You must produce some representatives that they deem as friends,” said Michael Tien, a pro-Beijing lawmaker, referring to the central government. Mr. Tong, he said, “fits into that category.”“You must produce some representatives that they deem as friends,” said Michael Tien, a pro-Beijing lawmaker, referring to the central government. Mr. Tong, he said, “fits into that category.”