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Even before starting, the EU referendum is sounding wearingly familiar Even before starting, the EU referendum is sounding wearingly familiar
(about 1 hour later)
A week ago the prime minister insisted people were capable of making two decisions at the same time, so there was no reason why an EU referendum could not be held on the same day as other elections. Just hours before he faced a backbench rebellion at the committee stage of the EU referendum bill, David Cameron showed he was capable of coming to a different conclusion on the same vote by accepting an amendment guaranteeing a stand-alone referendum.A week ago the prime minister insisted people were capable of making two decisions at the same time, so there was no reason why an EU referendum could not be held on the same day as other elections. Just hours before he faced a backbench rebellion at the committee stage of the EU referendum bill, David Cameron showed he was capable of coming to a different conclusion on the same vote by accepting an amendment guaranteeing a stand-alone referendum.
This “listening U-turn” might have inspired a further amendment calling for two EU referendums to be held a week apart to give everyone who regretted their original vote a chance to change their mind, but MPs were more concerned to make a point that had already been conceded. Labour’s Mike Gapes pushed it furthest by not only commending the government for its commitment to keep May 2016 sacrosanct for Scottish voters but by pushing for further weeks and months to be similarly honoured.This “listening U-turn” might have inspired a further amendment calling for two EU referendums to be held a week apart to give everyone who regretted their original vote a chance to change their mind, but MPs were more concerned to make a point that had already been conceded. Labour’s Mike Gapes pushed it furthest by not only commending the government for its commitment to keep May 2016 sacrosanct for Scottish voters but by pushing for further weeks and months to be similarly honoured.
“In late 2017, there will be the German elections,” he said. “From 1 July 2017 Britain will be president of the European Council of Ministers. In early 2017, France will be holding its elections …” Gapes wasn’t entirely clear whether it would be wrong to hold an EU referendum during these periods because the British people might think they were participating in the French and German elections or to protect the French and Germans from believing they were voting on the UK’s membership of the EU – but it was definitely wrong, either way. The house was spared the electoral provisions of the other 25 EU member states, but the case was made. There was only one possible date for a referendum: next Thursday.“In late 2017, there will be the German elections,” he said. “From 1 July 2017 Britain will be president of the European Council of Ministers. In early 2017, France will be holding its elections …” Gapes wasn’t entirely clear whether it would be wrong to hold an EU referendum during these periods because the British people might think they were participating in the French and German elections or to protect the French and Germans from believing they were voting on the UK’s membership of the EU – but it was definitely wrong, either way. The house was spared the electoral provisions of the other 25 EU member states, but the case was made. There was only one possible date for a referendum: next Thursday.
The government had also sought to head off another revolt, by getting Europe minister David Lidington to write every Conservative MP a letter offering his assurances that it was entirely coincidental that section 125 of the political parties and referendums act, which binds the government to a period of purdah during the campaign, had been omitted from the bill and promising not to use this time to influence the campaign in any way. As this letter was the political equivalent of a football club chairman expressing his full support for the manager, only the lifelong Europhile Ken Clarke was entirely reassured.The government had also sought to head off another revolt, by getting Europe minister David Lidington to write every Conservative MP a letter offering his assurances that it was entirely coincidental that section 125 of the political parties and referendums act, which binds the government to a period of purdah during the campaign, had been omitted from the bill and promising not to use this time to influence the campaign in any way. As this letter was the political equivalent of a football club chairman expressing his full support for the manager, only the lifelong Europhile Ken Clarke was entirely reassured.
“Section 129 is completely over-rated,” he said to a bemused house which had believed it was section 125 that was under discussion. “Everyone has just got to be less paranoid and trust the government to do its job fairly. Besides the Electoral Commission is a useless quango, no one ever accepts the results of a referendum anyway and my colleagues would just shite …” Clarke quickly corrected himself. “Shout”. His first choice of word seemed to sum up his feelings more accurately.“Section 129 is completely over-rated,” he said to a bemused house which had believed it was section 125 that was under discussion. “Everyone has just got to be less paranoid and trust the government to do its job fairly. Besides the Electoral Commission is a useless quango, no one ever accepts the results of a referendum anyway and my colleagues would just shite …” Clarke quickly corrected himself. “Shout”. His first choice of word seemed to sum up his feelings more accurately.
Pat McFadden, Labour’s shadow Europe minister, spent 20 minutes saying nothing very much. Labour wants a yes vote and is quite happy for the government to rig the system to get it but feels the need to raise the odd query about use of ministerial cars on which it can later abstain. All the government’s real trouble came from the usual suspects of Bill Cash, Bernard Jenkin, John Redwood and the not-so-usual suspect Dominic Grieve, who were keen the referendum should be seen to be fair. It would have sounded rather less self-serving had they raised the same arguments over the Scottish referendum during which they had all been happy for the government to push the rules of purdah to breaking point. Possibly beyond.Pat McFadden, Labour’s shadow Europe minister, spent 20 minutes saying nothing very much. Labour wants a yes vote and is quite happy for the government to rig the system to get it but feels the need to raise the odd query about use of ministerial cars on which it can later abstain. All the government’s real trouble came from the usual suspects of Bill Cash, Bernard Jenkin, John Redwood and the not-so-usual suspect Dominic Grieve, who were keen the referendum should be seen to be fair. It would have sounded rather less self-serving had they raised the same arguments over the Scottish referendum during which they had all been happy for the government to push the rules of purdah to breaking point. Possibly beyond.
But with Labour promising to abstain, Liddington could afford to spend most of the afternoon doodling on his notes safe in the knowledge the government was not going to lose a vote. Junior foreign office minister, Tobias Ellwood, dropped in for a few minutes to make a snoozing gesture to a friend, before wisely leaving. He had heard it all before. It won’t be long before everyone else has, too. We’re still only debating how the terms of the debate about the referendum should be conducted and it’s already sounding familiar. But with Labour promising to abstain, Lidington could afford to spend most of the afternoon doodling on his notes safe in the knowledge the government was not going to lose a vote. Junior foreign office minister, Tobias Ellwood, dropped in for a few minutes to make a snoozing gesture to a friend, before wisely leaving. He had heard it all before. It won’t be long before everyone else has, too. We’re still only debating how the terms of the debate about the referendum should be conducted and it’s already sounding familiar.