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| Release the Congolese activists still in jail for planning peaceful demonstrations | Release the Congolese activists still in jail for planning peaceful demonstrations |
| (about 20 hours later) | |
| When Congolese youth leaders and their Senegalese and Burkinabé colleagues met in March to launch a campaign for democracy, the regime reacted forcefully. | When Congolese youth leaders and their Senegalese and Burkinabé colleagues met in March to launch a campaign for democracy, the regime reacted forcefully. |
| Related: Power in Africa: democracy mapped | Related: Power in Africa: democracy mapped |
| Security police – the Agence Nationale de Renseignement (ANR) – and men in military uniform stormed the venue where the group was planning to launch the Filimbi movement. They arrested several attendees, including members of the local and foreign press, Kevin Sturr (the head of USAid’s democracy and governance programme in the Congo), Senegalese and Burkinabé youth leaders, and 26 activists. Sylvain Saluseke, an international insurance firm executive and Filimbi member, and youth leader Fred Bauma of Goma–based LUCHA, were also arrested. | Security police – the Agence Nationale de Renseignement (ANR) – and men in military uniform stormed the venue where the group was planning to launch the Filimbi movement. They arrested several attendees, including members of the local and foreign press, Kevin Sturr (the head of USAid’s democracy and governance programme in the Congo), Senegalese and Burkinabé youth leaders, and 26 activists. Sylvain Saluseke, an international insurance firm executive and Filimbi member, and youth leader Fred Bauma of Goma–based LUCHA, were also arrested. |
| Over the next days, mass arrests continued in Kinshasa and Goma, where several LUCHA activists were apprehended and allegedly tortured. The American diplomat and foreign correspondents were freed within hours. Senegal and Burkina Faso demanded the unconditional release of their citizens – the government declared them personae non gratae and deported them a few days later. | Over the next days, mass arrests continued in Kinshasa and Goma, where several LUCHA activists were apprehended and allegedly tortured. The American diplomat and foreign correspondents were freed within hours. Senegal and Burkina Faso demanded the unconditional release of their citizens – the government declared them personae non gratae and deported them a few days later. |
| But Congolese activists languished in detention; Saluseke spent five weeks with the ANR, Bauma has been held for over two months and has been transferred to Kinshasa’s Makala Prison, where Yves Makwambala has been awaiting charges. Makwambala, who is not a Filimbi member, designed the movement’s website. He is the nephew of Kiakwama kia Kiziki, a prominent member of the political opposition who is highly critical of the regime. | But Congolese activists languished in detention; Saluseke spent five weeks with the ANR, Bauma has been held for over two months and has been transferred to Kinshasa’s Makala Prison, where Yves Makwambala has been awaiting charges. Makwambala, who is not a Filimbi member, designed the movement’s website. He is the nephew of Kiakwama kia Kiziki, a prominent member of the political opposition who is highly critical of the regime. |
| What were the plans that had provoked such a violent response? A series of workshops on youth mobilisation and a concert, which never took place, to launch the movement. The clampdown highlights the continuing tensions between an increasingly strong civil society and the government of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). | What were the plans that had provoked such a violent response? A series of workshops on youth mobilisation and a concert, which never took place, to launch the movement. The clampdown highlights the continuing tensions between an increasingly strong civil society and the government of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). |
| The state’s failure to provide adequate basic services – such as public health, education, employment, and security – over the years has created a strong civil society that helps fill the void in all vital public policy areas. Church organisations, community groups, domestic and foreign charities, businesses and private citizens all substitute for the state and serve the population. | The state’s failure to provide adequate basic services – such as public health, education, employment, and security – over the years has created a strong civil society that helps fill the void in all vital public policy areas. Church organisations, community groups, domestic and foreign charities, businesses and private citizens all substitute for the state and serve the population. |
| Meanwhile, without a clear vision of their own, the executive leadership can only react to initiatives that civil groups champion and push through the national assembly. Even though the presidential majority holds more than 360 seats of the 500–member national assembly, the pro–regime parliamentary block has failed to meet popular expectations. | Meanwhile, without a clear vision of their own, the executive leadership can only react to initiatives that civil groups champion and push through the national assembly. Even though the presidential majority holds more than 360 seats of the 500–member national assembly, the pro–regime parliamentary block has failed to meet popular expectations. |
| Civil groups have been particularly active in the most critical policy developments of the last two decades. They have either initiated or influenced the 2003 political transition, the 2006 and 2011 elections, the revision of mining contracts, the revision of a $9bn resource barter deal with China, the 2013 suspension of Congo from the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, the electoral law of 2013, and legislation against sexual violence. The Catholic Church, which runs the most extensive school network, has contributed to the education of the vast majority of Congolese elites, and remains the backbone of society. | Civil groups have been particularly active in the most critical policy developments of the last two decades. They have either initiated or influenced the 2003 political transition, the 2006 and 2011 elections, the revision of mining contracts, the revision of a $9bn resource barter deal with China, the 2013 suspension of Congo from the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, the electoral law of 2013, and legislation against sexual violence. The Catholic Church, which runs the most extensive school network, has contributed to the education of the vast majority of Congolese elites, and remains the backbone of society. |
| The state has failed to provide the youths with the basic services that they expect of their leaders | The state has failed to provide the youths with the basic services that they expect of their leaders |
| The regime’s reaction to civil society’s engagement is an attempt to treat activists and advocacy organisations like the political opposition in order to undermine them. Leaders are often co-opted into the regime, threatened with extra–judicial actions or arrested on questionable charges. Some of President Joseph Kabila’s close associates were once civil society luminaries, yet the environment is not safe for activists. In June 2010, human rights defender Floribert Chebeya disappeared, along with his driver Fidèle Bazana. Chebeya’s body was eventually found but four years later his driver is still missing. | The regime’s reaction to civil society’s engagement is an attempt to treat activists and advocacy organisations like the political opposition in order to undermine them. Leaders are often co-opted into the regime, threatened with extra–judicial actions or arrested on questionable charges. Some of President Joseph Kabila’s close associates were once civil society luminaries, yet the environment is not safe for activists. In June 2010, human rights defender Floribert Chebeya disappeared, along with his driver Fidèle Bazana. Chebeya’s body was eventually found but four years later his driver is still missing. |
| There is growing opposition to the attempts to extend Kabila’s time in office beyond the constitutionally-mandated term limit. Congolese democracy activists say that in response, the hardliners are raising the level of intimidation of the opposition. They are partly driven by fear of loss of power, as with Senegal’s Abdoulaye Wade and Burkina Faso’s Blaise Compaoré who sought to overstay their mandates. In those cases, youth mobilisation led by the Y’en a Marre and Balai Citoyen movements determined the outcome. DRC’s youth leaders can only draw strength and encouragement from these examples. | There is growing opposition to the attempts to extend Kabila’s time in office beyond the constitutionally-mandated term limit. Congolese democracy activists say that in response, the hardliners are raising the level of intimidation of the opposition. They are partly driven by fear of loss of power, as with Senegal’s Abdoulaye Wade and Burkina Faso’s Blaise Compaoré who sought to overstay their mandates. In those cases, youth mobilisation led by the Y’en a Marre and Balai Citoyen movements determined the outcome. DRC’s youth leaders can only draw strength and encouragement from these examples. |
| The Filimbi movement | The Filimbi movement |
| Filimbi is Swahili for whistle. It is now also the moniker of a nascent collective of youth groups from across Congo who seek to reclaim their destiny through civic engagement. The leaders of the movement come from different professions – bankers, insurance brokers, students, community organisers – from the four corners of the country. | Filimbi is Swahili for whistle. It is now also the moniker of a nascent collective of youth groups from across Congo who seek to reclaim their destiny through civic engagement. The leaders of the movement come from different professions – bankers, insurance brokers, students, community organisers – from the four corners of the country. |
| These activists, however, may be paying the price for the difficult relations between the United States and DRC. The regime’s hardliners are resentful that the launch of the movement was partly financed by a $32,000 grant from the US department of state, according to one of the activists. Russ Feingold, who served as US special envoy to the Great Lakes and the DRC until earlier this year, insisted that Kabila respect the constitution and step down in 2016. US secretary of state John Kerry traveled to Kinshasa last May and backed Feingold’s position. Their statements drew the indignation of DRC officials. | These activists, however, may be paying the price for the difficult relations between the United States and DRC. The regime’s hardliners are resentful that the launch of the movement was partly financed by a $32,000 grant from the US department of state, according to one of the activists. Russ Feingold, who served as US special envoy to the Great Lakes and the DRC until earlier this year, insisted that Kabila respect the constitution and step down in 2016. US secretary of state John Kerry traveled to Kinshasa last May and backed Feingold’s position. Their statements drew the indignation of DRC officials. |
| Filimbi is the call to duty for youths who have been marginalised for too long, living with limited opportunities in a country of infinite but untapped potential. With a median age of 17, young people account for more than 60% of Congo’s population. Yet policymakers have continuously ignored their voices, aspirations and grievances, failing to provide the youths with even the basic services they expect. Healthcare, education and employment remain fleeting mirages for the average young Congolese. | Filimbi is the call to duty for youths who have been marginalised for too long, living with limited opportunities in a country of infinite but untapped potential. With a median age of 17, young people account for more than 60% of Congo’s population. Yet policymakers have continuously ignored their voices, aspirations and grievances, failing to provide the youths with even the basic services they expect. Healthcare, education and employment remain fleeting mirages for the average young Congolese. |
| The regime seems to be counting on heavy-handed tactics and mass arrests to dissuade some activists and deter more. But civil organisations are such important players in Congo’s political and economic development that it is nearly impossible to circumvent them. As it was with the Senegalese and Burkinabé, millions of Congolese youths are clamouring for change. | The regime seems to be counting on heavy-handed tactics and mass arrests to dissuade some activists and deter more. But civil organisations are such important players in Congo’s political and economic development that it is nearly impossible to circumvent them. As it was with the Senegalese and Burkinabé, millions of Congolese youths are clamouring for change. |
| Related: Banks in the DRC: the community that saves together stays together | Related: Banks in the DRC: the community that saves together stays together |
| Perhaps the time has come for the hardliners to enter into a meaningful dialogue with civil society and the opposition about power transfer in 2016. Fred Bauma, Yves Makwambala and their colleagues are concerned citizens discharging their civic duties, not criminals. Denying the youths the right to mobilise is a lose-lose situation. It may work for now, but it undermines Congo’s future. | Perhaps the time has come for the hardliners to enter into a meaningful dialogue with civil society and the opposition about power transfer in 2016. Fred Bauma, Yves Makwambala and their colleagues are concerned citizens discharging their civic duties, not criminals. Denying the youths the right to mobilise is a lose-lose situation. It may work for now, but it undermines Congo’s future. |
| Mvemba Dizolele is a writer, foreign policy analyst, and independent journalist. He is a visiting fellow at the Hoover Institution and lecturer in African Studies at Johns Hopkins University SAIS, Washington DC. | |
| Join our community of development professionals and humanitarians. Follow@GuardianGDP on Twitter. | Join our community of development professionals and humanitarians. Follow@GuardianGDP on Twitter. |
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