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Election result heralds a new Turkey, but not the one Erdoğan wanted Election result heralds a new Turkey, but not the one Erdoğan wanted
(about 1 hour later)
Recep Tayyip Erdoğan is the most formidable vote-winner and election conjurer Turkey has ever seen. He founded his own party, led it to three absolute parliamentary majorities as prime minister, then last year performed a Putinesque sidestep to become the country’s first directly elected president with more than half of the popular vote.Recep Tayyip Erdoğan is the most formidable vote-winner and election conjurer Turkey has ever seen. He founded his own party, led it to three absolute parliamentary majorities as prime minister, then last year performed a Putinesque sidestep to become the country’s first directly elected president with more than half of the popular vote.
But on Monday Erdoğan stared defeat in the face. He had forsaken his famously intuitive feel for the popular mood, miscalculated in his highly aggressive election campaign and paid the price. Even if his Justice and Development party (AKP) retained the biggest parliamentary presence with 41% of the vote, many of his longstanding supporters deserted him, concluding that he was out of touch with their lives and the mood of the country.But on Monday Erdoğan stared defeat in the face. He had forsaken his famously intuitive feel for the popular mood, miscalculated in his highly aggressive election campaign and paid the price. Even if his Justice and Development party (AKP) retained the biggest parliamentary presence with 41% of the vote, many of his longstanding supporters deserted him, concluding that he was out of touch with their lives and the mood of the country.
And in what turned into an unforeseen carnival of pluralism and liberalism, voters hoping to rein in the president turned to a new pro-Kurdish party that oozed youthful exuberance and optimism during the election campaign.And in what turned into an unforeseen carnival of pluralism and liberalism, voters hoping to rein in the president turned to a new pro-Kurdish party that oozed youthful exuberance and optimism during the election campaign.
The failure of the AKP to secure a parliamentary majority, the backlash against Erdoğan and the electorate’s embrace of the leftist pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Democratic party (HDP) under its charismatic young leader, Selahattin Demirtas, represent a watershed in Turkish politics. The failure of the AKP to secure a parliamentary majority, the backlash against Erdoğan and the electorate’s embrace of the leftist pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Democratic party (HDP) under its charismatic young leader, Selahattin Demirtaş, represent a watershed in Turkish politics.
Erdoğan campaigned to make himself the all-powerful president of what he dubbed “the new Turkey”. The election result brought forth an embryonic new Turkey, but not the one the president wanted. Erdoğan campaigned to make himself the all-powerful president of what he called “the new Turkey”. The election result brought forth an embryonic new Turkey, but not the one the president wanted.
“The attempt to block his plans for the presidential system in Turkey made voting for the HDP the most rational choice,” said Ahmet Insel, a political scientist. Erdoğan’s push for an executive presidency effectively turned the election into a referendum on his plans instead of a choice between political parties. “The HDP took at least one million votes from the [main opposition] CHP. Many of those voters opted to change in order to stop Erdoğan.”“The attempt to block his plans for the presidential system in Turkey made voting for the HDP the most rational choice,” said Ahmet Insel, a political scientist. Erdoğan’s push for an executive presidency effectively turned the election into a referendum on his plans instead of a choice between political parties. “The HDP took at least one million votes from the [main opposition] CHP. Many of those voters opted to change in order to stop Erdoğan.”
The point was driven home by Demirtas, the moral victor of the election. “The debate on the presidency, the debate on dictatorship has come to an end in Turkey,” he said. The point was driven home by Demirtaş, the moral victor of the election. “The debate on the presidency, the debate on dictatorship has come to an end in Turkey,” he said.
Instead, the election produced what is tantamount to a cultural revolution in Turkish political life. Women will fill 9 6 of the parliament’s 550 seats, up from 79. Openly gay candidates won seats for the HDP. Most of all, the long-repressed Kurdish minority (one in five of Turkey’s citizens) will be properly represented for the first time with 80 seats. Instead, the election produced what is tantamount to a cultural revolution in Turkish political life. Women will fill 96 of the parliament’s 550 seats, up from 79. Openly gay candidates won seats for the HDP. Most of all, the long-repressed Kurdish minority (one in five of Turkey’s citizens) will be properly represented for the first time with 80 seats.
“This is the first time that feminists in Turkey actively supported a political party,” said Mehtap Doğan, a feminist activist. “Up until now we have always done politics on our own, away from parliament. But this time we ran a campaign supporting the HDP because we believed in their sincerity when it comes to defending the rights of women, LGBTs and ethnic minorities.”“This is the first time that feminists in Turkey actively supported a political party,” said Mehtap Doğan, a feminist activist. “Up until now we have always done politics on our own, away from parliament. But this time we ran a campaign supporting the HDP because we believed in their sincerity when it comes to defending the rights of women, LGBTs and ethnic minorities.”
The HDP was the first party to introduce a quota of 50% female politicians, and all party offices and HDP-run municipalities are chaired by both a man and a woman.The HDP was the first party to introduce a quota of 50% female politicians, and all party offices and HDP-run municipalities are chaired by both a man and a woman.
The party’s successful attempt to break out of ethnic identity politics and broaden its appeal well beyond the Kurdish issue owes much to Demirtas’ magnetism and his message of outreach. The party’s successful attempt to break out of ethnic identity politics and broaden its appeal well beyond the Kurdish issue owes much to Demirtaş’ magnetism and his message of outreach.
But the mass protest movement born in a central Istanbul park two years ago and which mushroomed into national protests that Erdoğan crushed mercilessly also fed into the HDP’s support. But the mass protest movement, which was born in a central Istanbul park two years ago and mushroomed into national protests that Erdoğan crushed mercilessly, also fed into the HDP’s support.
“During the Gezi protests, many got an idea of what Kurds had to go through for years: the violence, the repression, the unjust arrests. It opened our eyes to the Kurdish suffering,” said Doğan. “At the same time, we saw how the pro-government press tried to turn our legitimate, peaceful protests into acts of terrorism.”“During the Gezi protests, many got an idea of what Kurds had to go through for years: the violence, the repression, the unjust arrests. It opened our eyes to the Kurdish suffering,” said Doğan. “At the same time, we saw how the pro-government press tried to turn our legitimate, peaceful protests into acts of terrorism.”
Just as Erdoğan branded the protesters two years ago “riff-raff”, “terrorists” and “foreign agents”, in the election campaign he stoked division and malice by repeatedly smearing his HDP opponents as “terrorists, marginals, gays and atheists”. He asked religiously conservative voters not to cast their ballots for “such people who have nothing to do with Islam”.Just as Erdoğan branded the protesters two years ago “riff-raff”, “terrorists” and “foreign agents”, in the election campaign he stoked division and malice by repeatedly smearing his HDP opponents as “terrorists, marginals, gays and atheists”. He asked religiously conservative voters not to cast their ballots for “such people who have nothing to do with Islam”.
The tactic backfired as many religiously conservative Kurds shifted their votes from the AKP to a party that promised to represent everyone’s interests.The tactic backfired as many religiously conservative Kurds shifted their votes from the AKP to a party that promised to represent everyone’s interests.
In the religiously conservative eastern town of Batman, Burhan Saran, an influential local politician, switched from the AKP to the HDP last month. He said he was “not bothered” by the fact that the HDP sent Yezidi, Christian and gay candidates into the race for parliament. “This party welcomes everyone, and this is what we need now,” he said.In the religiously conservative eastern town of Batman, Burhan Saran, an influential local politician, switched from the AKP to the HDP last month. He said he was “not bothered” by the fact that the HDP sent Yezidi, Christian and gay candidates into the race for parliament. “This party welcomes everyone, and this is what we need now,” he said.
Insel, the political scientist, said: “The HDP became the synthesis of the Gezi Park movement. All Gezi Park activists became activists for the HDP. Erdoğan’s new Turkey has lost, and the new Turkey of Gezi Park has won.”Insel, the political scientist, said: “The HDP became the synthesis of the Gezi Park movement. All Gezi Park activists became activists for the HDP. Erdoğan’s new Turkey has lost, and the new Turkey of Gezi Park has won.”
Erdoğan’s violent response to the 2013 protests revealed a leader at odds with large parts of his country. The election confirmed that shift in the public mood. But the president’s relatively magnanimous reaction to his defeat on Monday was very different to the riot police and teargas tactics of two years ago.Erdoğan’s violent response to the 2013 protests revealed a leader at odds with large parts of his country. The election confirmed that shift in the public mood. But the president’s relatively magnanimous reaction to his defeat on Monday was very different to the riot police and teargas tactics of two years ago.
Although he will bitterly resent the result, the president can also take some of the credit for creating a Turkey that let it happen. Erdoğan is frequently compared to Russia’s Vladimir Putin. But there is no chance under Putin of Turkey’s election result being replicated in Russia. Despite fears of ballot rigging and the overwhelming advantage enjoyed by the government in the national mass media, Sunday’s election proceeded smoothly, freely and relatively peacefully.Although he will bitterly resent the result, the president can also take some of the credit for creating a Turkey that let it happen. Erdoğan is frequently compared to Russia’s Vladimir Putin. But there is no chance under Putin of Turkey’s election result being replicated in Russia. Despite fears of ballot rigging and the overwhelming advantage enjoyed by the government in the national mass media, Sunday’s election proceeded smoothly, freely and relatively peacefully.
“Turks and Kurds are well ahead of the political leaders of the country, and they have a lot of expectations of the democratic process that they have well bought into,” said Emma Sinclair-Webb, senior researcher for Human Rights Watch in Turkey. “This is a very impressive outcome. It shows that Turkey is going through an important political maturing process, and that an increasing number of people are interested in a pluralistic society.”“Turks and Kurds are well ahead of the political leaders of the country, and they have a lot of expectations of the democratic process that they have well bought into,” said Emma Sinclair-Webb, senior researcher for Human Rights Watch in Turkey. “This is a very impressive outcome. It shows that Turkey is going through an important political maturing process, and that an increasing number of people are interested in a pluralistic society.”
One such person is a 30-year-old teacher and ethnic Kurd from Diyarbakir, the main Kurdish city in the south-east. He asked not to be named but underlined that in his view the HDP was the only party that did not seek to pit certain groups against others.One such person is a 30-year-old teacher and ethnic Kurd from Diyarbakir, the main Kurdish city in the south-east. He asked not to be named but underlined that in his view the HDP was the only party that did not seek to pit certain groups against others.
“It is the first time that a political party openly talks about the rights of LGBTs. I am convinced that they will be able to push through many rights for us, even gay marriage,” he laughed. “If someone had told me this five years ago I would have never believed it possible. I am still very astonished, but the proof is right there.”“It is the first time that a political party openly talks about the rights of LGBTs. I am convinced that they will be able to push through many rights for us, even gay marriage,” he laughed. “If someone had told me this five years ago I would have never believed it possible. I am still very astonished, but the proof is right there.”
None of the four parties in the new parliament are able to form a single-party government, meaning Turkey is entering a period of volatility. Erdoğan approaches politics as a binary contest between winners and losers in which the decisive aim is to secure a majority. On Sunday he lost one.None of the four parties in the new parliament are able to form a single-party government, meaning Turkey is entering a period of volatility. Erdoğan approaches politics as a binary contest between winners and losers in which the decisive aim is to secure a majority. On Sunday he lost one.