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Goodbye to smog, cold noodles and breakneck change: my seven years covering China Goodbye to smog, cold noodles and breakneck change: my seven years covering China
(about 14 hours later)
At 4am I shot out of bed as an explosion outside shook the room. Half an hour earlier, I had crawled beneath my duvet, naively imagining the barrage was almost over. It was February 2008 and Beijing had reached its pyrotechnic peak. On previous trips I had fallen in love with China’s exuberance and energy; the exhilaration of watching a country transforming at breakneck speed. Now the capital was celebrating lunar new year with the most spectacular fireworks display I have ever seen. The skyline bloomed red and green and golden in an unending show of confidence, joy and wealth.At 4am I shot out of bed as an explosion outside shook the room. Half an hour earlier, I had crawled beneath my duvet, naively imagining the barrage was almost over. It was February 2008 and Beijing had reached its pyrotechnic peak. On previous trips I had fallen in love with China’s exuberance and energy; the exhilaration of watching a country transforming at breakneck speed. Now the capital was celebrating lunar new year with the most spectacular fireworks display I have ever seen. The skyline bloomed red and green and golden in an unending show of confidence, joy and wealth.
The freezing air was sulphurous as I looked out over my new home: a city of brutal office blocks, gleaming malls, high-rise towers and slums; above all, of building sites – the massive construction efforts for the Olympics were still at full pelt. But Beijing was also, still, a city of ancient alleyways, trees bearing fat orange persimmons and old men walking in the parks with caged thrushes.The freezing air was sulphurous as I looked out over my new home: a city of brutal office blocks, gleaming malls, high-rise towers and slums; above all, of building sites – the massive construction efforts for the Olympics were still at full pelt. But Beijing was also, still, a city of ancient alleyways, trees bearing fat orange persimmons and old men walking in the parks with caged thrushes.
People joke that, after a month in China, you can write a book on it; after a year, you can write an essay; after five, perhaps a sentence. I loved the seven years I spent there, but nothing is as absurd as the idea of being a “specialist” on a country that holds a fifth of the world’s population, has an extraordinarily rich and turbulent history, boasts immense geographic, ethnic and cultural diversity, and is changing faster than one can imagine.People joke that, after a month in China, you can write a book on it; after a year, you can write an essay; after five, perhaps a sentence. I loved the seven years I spent there, but nothing is as absurd as the idea of being a “specialist” on a country that holds a fifth of the world’s population, has an extraordinarily rich and turbulent history, boasts immense geographic, ethnic and cultural diversity, and is changing faster than one can imagine.
In my time there, China overtook Germany and Japan to become the world’s second largest economy; in terms of purchasing power parity, it has now passed the US. It grabbed the most golds at the 2008 Olympics, and opened scores of new airports, hundreds of museums and 7,500 miles of high-speed train track. Tycoon Wang Jianlin became the owner of the world’s largest cinema chain by acquiring 5,000 screens in the US. Internet firm Alibaba held the largest ever global IPO. Chinese firms took stakes in Thames Water, Heathrow Airport and Weetabix.In my time there, China overtook Germany and Japan to become the world’s second largest economy; in terms of purchasing power parity, it has now passed the US. It grabbed the most golds at the 2008 Olympics, and opened scores of new airports, hundreds of museums and 7,500 miles of high-speed train track. Tycoon Wang Jianlin became the owner of the world’s largest cinema chain by acquiring 5,000 screens in the US. Internet firm Alibaba held the largest ever global IPO. Chinese firms took stakes in Thames Water, Heathrow Airport and Weetabix.
Yet every subsequent new year, celebration seemed a little more muted. Tighter fireworks rules were imposed after a luxury hotel went up in flames, but official controls weren’t the only factor. The rich have cut back on ostentatious displays – particularly since the crackdown on corruption began – while the poor have proved less willing to splurge, equally uncertain of what the future holds. This year was the most subdued of all. Though the horizon was still spangled with colour, explosions were far sparser. There were fewer injuries; the air was cleaner; Beijing’s streets quieter and safer – but also rather less fun. Yet every subsequent new year, celebration seemed a little more muted. Tighter fireworks rules were imposed after a luxury hotel went up in flames, but official controls weren’t the only factor. The rich have cut back on ostentatious displays – particularly since the crackdown on corruption began – while the poor have proved less willing to splurge, equally uncertain of what the future holds. This year was the most subdued of all. Though the horizon was still spangled with colour, explosions were far sparser. There were fewer injuries; the air was cleaner; Beijing’s streets quieter and safer – but also rather less fun.
China is in many ways a more confident nation since 2008. In others it is becalmed and anxious. My arrival coincided with the end of a run of double-digit annual growth rates. In 2015, growth is likely to be around half its 2007 rate of 13%. Its economic path is less certain and more cluttered, even if the leadership still has tools to hand.China is in many ways a more confident nation since 2008. In others it is becalmed and anxious. My arrival coincided with the end of a run of double-digit annual growth rates. In 2015, growth is likely to be around half its 2007 rate of 13%. Its economic path is less certain and more cluttered, even if the leadership still has tools to hand.
Heavy-handed censorship has taken the steam out of once rambunctious social media. Officials have even sought to rein in the middle-aged dancing women who have colonised the country’s public squares and compound courtyards with blaring music and elaborate choreography.Since taking over in late 2012, Xi Jinping has consolidated power – both his personal authority, and that of the party – to a degree that no one envisioned. A drive to crack down on activists – accompanied by a general ideological tightening – has seen hundreds held or imprisoned. The recent detention of five feminists who had merely planned to highlight sexual harassment through a sticker campaign was particularly alarming. They have been released on bail after an international outcry, but charges still hang over their heads. Scholars are noticeably more cautious in addressing potentially sensitive issues; NGOs face draconian new rules. Heavy-handed censorship has taken the steam out of once rambunctious social media. Officials have even sought to rein in the middle-aged dancing women who have colonised the country’s public squares and compound courtyards with blaring music and elaborate choreography. Since taking over in late 2012, Xi Jinping has consolidated power – both his personal authority, and that of the party – to a degree that no one envisioned. A drive to crack down on activists – accompanied by a general ideological tightening – has seen hundreds held or imprisoned. The recent detention of five feminists who had merely planned to highlight sexual harassment through a sticker campaign was particularly alarming. They have been released on bail after an international outcry, but charges still hang over their heads. Scholars are noticeably more cautious in addressing potentially sensitive issues; NGOs face draconian new rules.
The beginnings of this shift were evident even in my first year. Nobel peace prize-winner Liu Xiaobo was detained hours before we were due to meet in December 2008, and subsequently jailed for 11 years; his wife Liu Xia lives under house arrest. Scholar and activist Xu Zhiyong, the outspoken Uighur academic Ilham Tohti and veteran journalist Gao Yu are among many imprisoned during my tenure, and even famed artist Ai Weiwei was held for 81 days. Pu Zhiqiang, one of China’s most prominent human rights lawyers, awaits trial on charges of inciting ethnic hatred.The beginnings of this shift were evident even in my first year. Nobel peace prize-winner Liu Xiaobo was detained hours before we were due to meet in December 2008, and subsequently jailed for 11 years; his wife Liu Xia lives under house arrest. Scholar and activist Xu Zhiyong, the outspoken Uighur academic Ilham Tohti and veteran journalist Gao Yu are among many imprisoned during my tenure, and even famed artist Ai Weiwei was held for 81 days. Pu Zhiqiang, one of China’s most prominent human rights lawyers, awaits trial on charges of inciting ethnic hatred.
The blind grassroots legal activist Chen Guangcheng left, after fleeing captivity and seeking refuge in the US embassy. Lawyer Teng Biao, HIV/Aids activist Wan Yanhai and writer Yu Jie are among many others who have found new homes overseas.The blind grassroots legal activist Chen Guangcheng left, after fleeing captivity and seeking refuge in the US embassy. Lawyer Teng Biao, HIV/Aids activist Wan Yanhai and writer Yu Jie are among many others who have found new homes overseas.
Journalism, too, has become more difficult, though most of all for domestic reporters. Chinese authorities relaxed strict rules governing foreign correspondents to meet their commitment to free reporting of the Olympics. Yet much of the progress has been reversed. Officials declare areas off limits on an ad hoc basis; reporters waiting outside sensitive trials face increased pressure. Media that investigated the wealth of leaders’ families have been refused new visas. Of greatest concern is the intimidation and harassment of local staff and sources, who as Chinese citizens, are far more vulnerable.Journalism, too, has become more difficult, though most of all for domestic reporters. Chinese authorities relaxed strict rules governing foreign correspondents to meet their commitment to free reporting of the Olympics. Yet much of the progress has been reversed. Officials declare areas off limits on an ad hoc basis; reporters waiting outside sensitive trials face increased pressure. Media that investigated the wealth of leaders’ families have been refused new visas. Of greatest concern is the intimidation and harassment of local staff and sources, who as Chinese citizens, are far more vulnerable.
Tensions that broke through the surface in my first year have mounted. In March 2008, the worst riots in Lhasa for almost 20 years exploded after the suppression of peaceful protests by monks. It was followed by an attack that killed 16 police in Xinjiang in August. The following years have seen an increasingly heavy-handed response by Beijing, murderous ethnic violence in the north-western region and attacks beyond, and large numbers of self-immolations by Tibetans.Tensions that broke through the surface in my first year have mounted. In March 2008, the worst riots in Lhasa for almost 20 years exploded after the suppression of peaceful protests by monks. It was followed by an attack that killed 16 police in Xinjiang in August. The following years have seen an increasingly heavy-handed response by Beijing, murderous ethnic violence in the north-western region and attacks beyond, and large numbers of self-immolations by Tibetans.
Perhaps the defining moment of that first year was the devastating earthquake that left 90,000 dead or missing in Sichuan and showed China at its best and worst. The authorities rescued, fed and sheltered unimaginable numbers in a fast and mostly efficient operation. Modern infrastructure sped recovery efforts. People reacted with humbling resilience, dignity and compassion.Perhaps the defining moment of that first year was the devastating earthquake that left 90,000 dead or missing in Sichuan and showed China at its best and worst. The authorities rescued, fed and sheltered unimaginable numbers in a fast and mostly efficient operation. Modern infrastructure sped recovery efforts. People reacted with humbling resilience, dignity and compassion.
Yet I walked through rubble choked with the corpses of dead children, crushed to death in shoddily built schools – evidence of the tendency to cut corners and rampant corruption that skimmed cash from construction budgets. Bereaved parents asking why their children had been betrayed were detained and harassed by authorities.Yet I walked through rubble choked with the corpses of dead children, crushed to death in shoddily built schools – evidence of the tendency to cut corners and rampant corruption that skimmed cash from construction budgets. Bereaved parents asking why their children had been betrayed were detained and harassed by authorities.
The global economic crisis hit towards the end of the year; China responded with a gargantuan stimulus package. It fostered a sense that China now mattered; but the cost of the rescue – sky-high debt – was evident. It showed what the Chinese government could do; it also underscored the limitations of the country’s investment-led model.The global economic crisis hit towards the end of the year; China responded with a gargantuan stimulus package. It fostered a sense that China now mattered; but the cost of the rescue – sky-high debt – was evident. It showed what the Chinese government could do; it also underscored the limitations of the country’s investment-led model.
Beijing is finally attempting to rebalance the economy after years of promising to do so, just as it is taking steps to tackle the pollution problem and carbon emissions; like so many of the country’s reform efforts (especially to the household registration system, or birth control policies, or the law on domestic violence), the changes fall far short of what is needed.Beijing is finally attempting to rebalance the economy after years of promising to do so, just as it is taking steps to tackle the pollution problem and carbon emissions; like so many of the country’s reform efforts (especially to the household registration system, or birth control policies, or the law on domestic violence), the changes fall far short of what is needed.
It is easy to overlook the country’s real achievements, measured not just by the miles of tarmac, still less its numerous billionaires, but by the slashing of the neonatal mortality rate and the rolling out of social and medical insurance. Hu Jintao’s administration (2002-2012) has been written off by many, yet it built the skeleton of a welfare state at remarkable speed.It is easy to overlook the country’s real achievements, measured not just by the miles of tarmac, still less its numerous billionaires, but by the slashing of the neonatal mortality rate and the rolling out of social and medical insurance. Hu Jintao’s administration (2002-2012) has been written off by many, yet it built the skeleton of a welfare state at remarkable speed.
The trope that hundreds of millions have been “lifted out” of poverty is wrong and insulting; they have hauled themselves out. But government policies matter too and not all officials are venal, corrupt or self-serving. Some are truly trying to improve lives under tough circumstances. Sometimes they succeed.The trope that hundreds of millions have been “lifted out” of poverty is wrong and insulting; they have hauled themselves out. But government policies matter too and not all officials are venal, corrupt or self-serving. Some are truly trying to improve lives under tough circumstances. Sometimes they succeed.
It is also easy to overlook the problems, and not only because of the profits to be made in China. Negative stereotypes can rebound: visitors are sometimes surprised not to be followed down the street. When they hear individuals berate authorities, or see them gather in an angry protest, they flip too easily to the assumption that people are entirely free and criticism unfounded. Worse, they may assume that those with grievances have gone looking for trouble. Few seek confrontation with power; more often, a single injustice sets them on an irreversible course. An attempt to right a wrong leads to beatings or pressure on their families, making them angrier or opening their eyes to the problems faced by others.It is also easy to overlook the problems, and not only because of the profits to be made in China. Negative stereotypes can rebound: visitors are sometimes surprised not to be followed down the street. When they hear individuals berate authorities, or see them gather in an angry protest, they flip too easily to the assumption that people are entirely free and criticism unfounded. Worse, they may assume that those with grievances have gone looking for trouble. Few seek confrontation with power; more often, a single injustice sets them on an irreversible course. An attempt to right a wrong leads to beatings or pressure on their families, making them angrier or opening their eyes to the problems faced by others.
It’s true that Western governments appear hypocritical when they criticise China for abuses, while glossing over the invasion of Iraq, Guantánamo Bay, extraordinary rendition, Abu Ghraib and so forth. That does not mean they should bite their tongues, but put their own houses in order.It’s true that Western governments appear hypocritical when they criticise China for abuses, while glossing over the invasion of Iraq, Guantánamo Bay, extraordinary rendition, Abu Ghraib and so forth. That does not mean they should bite their tongues, but put their own houses in order.
Honesty is all the more important as China becomes increasingly assertive in the international realm. During the global financial crisis, it shied away from talk of joining with the US as the “G2” and still avoids the word “superpower”, with its connotations of hegemony. Yet these days it is keen to promote its “new type of great power relationship” with Washington. Last year, Xi told a French audience that the “peaceful, pleasant and civilised” lion of China had woken up.Honesty is all the more important as China becomes increasingly assertive in the international realm. During the global financial crisis, it shied away from talk of joining with the US as the “G2” and still avoids the word “superpower”, with its connotations of hegemony. Yet these days it is keen to promote its “new type of great power relationship” with Washington. Last year, Xi told a French audience that the “peaceful, pleasant and civilised” lion of China had woken up.
The US, and others in the region, fear it is showing its claws and is ready to bite. The Chinese armed forces have had years of double-digit budget increases. The country is island-building in the South China Sea and has proved increasingly assertive in territorial rows there and elsewhere.The US, and others in the region, fear it is showing its claws and is ready to bite. The Chinese armed forces have had years of double-digit budget increases. The country is island-building in the South China Sea and has proved increasingly assertive in territorial rows there and elsewhere.
Still, its military spending remains dwarfed by America’s, and other countries are also reclaiming land in disputed waters, albeit much more slowly. China, too, has anxieties about containment by the US and a more hawkish Japan. And some of its frustrations internationally are understandable: Washington has been reluctant to see greater Chinese clout at the World Bank and Asian Development Bank, but is also hostile to the Beijing-initiated Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank.Still, its military spending remains dwarfed by America’s, and other countries are also reclaiming land in disputed waters, albeit much more slowly. China, too, has anxieties about containment by the US and a more hawkish Japan. And some of its frustrations internationally are understandable: Washington has been reluctant to see greater Chinese clout at the World Bank and Asian Development Bank, but is also hostile to the Beijing-initiated Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank.
Geopolitical tensions and horrifying or scandalous news stories studded my tenure. Families of those aboard Malaysian Airlines flight MH370 are no closer to learning what has happened to their loved ones. And who could have predicted the melodrama of flamboyant politician Bo Xilai’s fall, after his wife was accused of murdering a British businessman, Neil Heywood?Geopolitical tensions and horrifying or scandalous news stories studded my tenure. Families of those aboard Malaysian Airlines flight MH370 are no closer to learning what has happened to their loved ones. And who could have predicted the melodrama of flamboyant politician Bo Xilai’s fall, after his wife was accused of murdering a British businessman, Neil Heywood?
But it is the deeper trends that will determine China’s future – urbanisation and increasing mobility; the demographic timebomb of a shrinking workforce and ageing population; the increasing frustration of young women faced with glaring discrimination; changing sexual mores and romantic expectations; the tension between Hong Kong’s increasingly independent identity and Beijing’s determination to bring it into line.But it is the deeper trends that will determine China’s future – urbanisation and increasing mobility; the demographic timebomb of a shrinking workforce and ageing population; the increasing frustration of young women faced with glaring discrimination; changing sexual mores and romantic expectations; the tension between Hong Kong’s increasingly independent identity and Beijing’s determination to bring it into line.
The anti-corruption campaign has proved popular, but many remain cynical towards all aspects of authority. People are increasingly angry about the environmental cost of growth and especially its impact on health. Soaring inequalities – between urban and rural, rich and poor – have sparked bitter resentment. When I passed a crashed sports car one day, an old man looked at me and muttered: “It would be better if rich people just died.” Of course, China has lessons for us too. Older people are generally respected and treated as a valued part of society, making me all the more aware and ashamed of the isolation they often face in the west. The anti-corruption campaign has proved popular, but many remain cynical towards all aspects of authority. People are increasingly angry about the environmental cost of growth and especially its impact on health. Soaring inequalities – between urban and rural, rich and poor – have sparked bitter resentment. When I passed a crashed sports car one day, an old man looked at me and muttered: “It would be better if rich people just died.” Of course, China has lessons for us too. Older people are generally respected and treated as a valued part of society, making me all the more aware and ashamed of the isolation they often face in the west.
There is an aggressively nationalist streak and a sometimes absurd suspicion of outsiders, often fanned by authorities; last year, when I asked how vegetable prices at a market were faring, a vendor retorted, quite seriously: “If we tell you, we’ll be like foreign spies.” But the Britain I have returned to is not only increasingly hostile to Europe and immigration; it is startlingly ignorant of the non-western world. How many British politicians have read one book by a Chinese author? (Anyone citing Sun Tzu’s The Art of War should subtract a mark here.) How many Britons even know about the opium wars? Chinese people are far more informed about the British than vice versa, even if their understanding is often as flawed as ours. I don’t mean just the youthful elite who watch Sherlock, but the shopworker who quizzed me on Isambard Kingdom Brunel’s career and, astonishingly, the cab driver who asked how Harold Macmillan was regarded in Britain today. Once, visiting an impoverished rural school in Guizhou, I was struck by an unexpected face on the wall, between Mao and Marx. The third place of honour had been granted to the Scottish engineer James Watt. There is an aggressively nationalist streak and a sometimes absurd suspicion of outsiders, often fanned by authorities; last year, when I asked how vegetable prices at a market were faring, a vendor retorted, quite seriously: “If we tell you, we’ll be like foreign spies.” But the Britain I have returned to is not only increasingly hostile to Europe and immigration; it is startlingly ignorant of the non-western world. How many British politicians have read one book by a Chinese author? (Anyone citing Sun Tzu’s The Art of War should subtract a mark here.) How many Britons even know about the opium wars? Chinese people are far more informed about the British than vice versa, even if their understanding is often as flawed as ours. I don’t mean just the youthful elite who watch Sherlock, but the shopworker who quizzed me on Isambard Kingdom Brunel’s career and, astonishingly, the cab driver who asked how Harold Macmillan was regarded in Britain today. Once, visiting an impoverished rural school in Guizhou, I was struck by an unexpected face on the wall, between Mao and Marx. The third place of honour had been granted to the Scottish engineer James Watt.
I don’t miss China’s smog and dust; still less the injustices that I witnessed. But I loved the energy, the curiosity and friendliness of strangers, and the knowledge I lapped up on everything from Maoist model operas to dinosaurs. I miss cold noodles, scalding xiao long bao soup dumplings and fresh tanghulu (a superior take on toffee apples). At least Laoganma’s addictive chilli black bean sauce is available in the UK. I’ll miss strolling down the hutongs on summer days, skating on frozen lakes in winter, and watching the sun rise over a snow-dusted, crumbling stretch of the Great Wall after a long scrabble uphill through the darkness. China’s rich literary history remains easily accessible, as does the endless linguistic inventiveness and subversive wit of internet users, but its other cultural treasures are now a long-haul flight away: Sichuan’s lush valleys, Gansu’s desert, and Beijing’s ginkgo trees and and beautiful azure-winged magpies. And no, new year will not be the same without those free firework displays.I don’t miss China’s smog and dust; still less the injustices that I witnessed. But I loved the energy, the curiosity and friendliness of strangers, and the knowledge I lapped up on everything from Maoist model operas to dinosaurs. I miss cold noodles, scalding xiao long bao soup dumplings and fresh tanghulu (a superior take on toffee apples). At least Laoganma’s addictive chilli black bean sauce is available in the UK. I’ll miss strolling down the hutongs on summer days, skating on frozen lakes in winter, and watching the sun rise over a snow-dusted, crumbling stretch of the Great Wall after a long scrabble uphill through the darkness. China’s rich literary history remains easily accessible, as does the endless linguistic inventiveness and subversive wit of internet users, but its other cultural treasures are now a long-haul flight away: Sichuan’s lush valleys, Gansu’s desert, and Beijing’s ginkgo trees and and beautiful azure-winged magpies. And no, new year will not be the same without those free firework displays.
Above all, I will miss the friends I made and the kindness of all those – factory workers, artists, scholars, farmers and campaigners – who welcomed me, helped me to understand their country and shared their aspirations, dreams and fears for its future. I suspect the next few years will prove less spectacular than those I witnessed; I hope, but do not expect that they may be happier. I will be watching from further away, with every bit as much interest. Above all, I will miss the friends I made and the kindness of all those – factory workers, artists, scholars, farmers and campaigners – who welcomed me, helped me to understand their country and shared their aspirations, dreams and fears for its future. I suspect the next few years will prove less spectacular than those I witnessed; I hope, but do not expect that they may be happier. I will be watching from further away, with every bit as much interest.