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A prime minister determined to make one nation Cameron's goal is to suggest that it's not just the left who care about the poor
(about 13 hours later)
Borrowing the robes of Disraeli is an eternal recurrence among Conservatives. David Cameron chose to mark his first Queen’s speech with an overall majority not with a brand new motto, nor by reviving his ur-theme of modernised Toryism, but with the famous phrase derived from Sybil, the mid-19th century novel by Disraeli.Borrowing the robes of Disraeli is an eternal recurrence among Conservatives. David Cameron chose to mark his first Queen’s speech with an overall majority not with a brand new motto, nor by reviving his ur-theme of modernised Toryism, but with the famous phrase derived from Sybil, the mid-19th century novel by Disraeli.
Those who dislike Cameron with particular venom for having shown that most of England preferred his party to the options claim that the one-nation tag is mere gloss, concealing indifference towards the needy. But while scepticism is a sound principle when it comes to the loftier pronouncements of politicians, it is not the whole story when it comes to Dave’s one-nation claim.Those who dislike Cameron with particular venom for having shown that most of England preferred his party to the options claim that the one-nation tag is mere gloss, concealing indifference towards the needy. But while scepticism is a sound principle when it comes to the loftier pronouncements of politicians, it is not the whole story when it comes to Dave’s one-nation claim.
Those Conservatives who have thrown in their lot with Dizzy’s legacy of social reform and extension of the Tory brand – he was the first Conservative leader to appeal consciously to women for example – have been serious in intent. In the turbulent 1920s, Baldwin called for “a truce between the classes”, recognising that stability and contentment required a compact, as he put it, “between all classes of the community”. Now there’s a sentiment Cameron would like to echo, even if the word “class” is out of bounds today.Those Conservatives who have thrown in their lot with Dizzy’s legacy of social reform and extension of the Tory brand – he was the first Conservative leader to appeal consciously to women for example – have been serious in intent. In the turbulent 1920s, Baldwin called for “a truce between the classes”, recognising that stability and contentment required a compact, as he put it, “between all classes of the community”. Now there’s a sentiment Cameron would like to echo, even if the word “class” is out of bounds today.
The one nationism more commonly celebrated is that of the Macmillan era, underpinned by his mentor Rab Butler’s notion that Tories must embrace postwar goals such as Labour’s foundation of the modern welfare state and commitment to full employment.The one nationism more commonly celebrated is that of the Macmillan era, underpinned by his mentor Rab Butler’s notion that Tories must embrace postwar goals such as Labour’s foundation of the modern welfare state and commitment to full employment.
Fashions change, but many of the instincts of Baldwin and Macmillan are alive in Cameron’s outlook today. Buried among the 26 bills Her Majesty effortfully ploughed through last week are a string of measures intended to show that his party can pursue the general wellbeing of the country, not just those whose pocket books and plush pension funds are well served by a government of the right. It is, he often says privately, “not just the left who care about the poor”, though he is also fully aware that this sentiment is not widely shared outside Planet Tory.Fashions change, but many of the instincts of Baldwin and Macmillan are alive in Cameron’s outlook today. Buried among the 26 bills Her Majesty effortfully ploughed through last week are a string of measures intended to show that his party can pursue the general wellbeing of the country, not just those whose pocket books and plush pension funds are well served by a government of the right. It is, he often says privately, “not just the left who care about the poor”, though he is also fully aware that this sentiment is not widely shared outside Planet Tory.
Conservative ministers are thus under pressure to fulfil the promise Cameron made in victory on 8 May and show an interest in the lives of the many, rather than the few. (The old slogans are still the best.) So ministers will report to him on how many jobs have been created; the number of apprenticeships will rise; childcare allowances will be doubled, to encourage working mothers; minimum wage earners will escape income tax on the first 30 hours of their labour, signalling that the party that preaches making work pay is serious about incentives.Conservative ministers are thus under pressure to fulfil the promise Cameron made in victory on 8 May and show an interest in the lives of the many, rather than the few. (The old slogans are still the best.) So ministers will report to him on how many jobs have been created; the number of apprenticeships will rise; childcare allowances will be doubled, to encourage working mothers; minimum wage earners will escape income tax on the first 30 hours of their labour, signalling that the party that preaches making work pay is serious about incentives.
This has already had an impact on personnel choices. The reason Iain Duncan Smith was reappointed welfare secretary is that he is deemed to be committed to the agenda. In a cabinet that is otherwise dominated by proteges of George Osborne, this tells us something.This has already had an impact on personnel choices. The reason Iain Duncan Smith was reappointed welfare secretary is that he is deemed to be committed to the agenda. In a cabinet that is otherwise dominated by proteges of George Osborne, this tells us something.
The chancellor makes little secret of the fact that he deemed Duncan Smith an ineffectual organiser in his initial period at the Department for Work and Pensions. The two clashed loudly on issues ranging from the speed of universal credit implementation to Duncan Smith’s demands for more funding for early-years intervention, which the chancellor watered down, to IDS’s fury.The chancellor makes little secret of the fact that he deemed Duncan Smith an ineffectual organiser in his initial period at the Department for Work and Pensions. The two clashed loudly on issues ranging from the speed of universal credit implementation to Duncan Smith’s demands for more funding for early-years intervention, which the chancellor watered down, to IDS’s fury.
Yet back comes the least-lamented of ex-Tory leaders to a plum post. This was partly because IDS rehabilitated himself by immersion in the social problems of Glasgow’s tough Easterhouse estate, figuring out what might work better than handing over cash and walking away. But it was also because Cameron did not want the job to go to what one aide dubs “just another bloodless Tory technocrat”. Chris Grayling, inter alii, was thus swiftly ruled out of promotion.Yet back comes the least-lamented of ex-Tory leaders to a plum post. This was partly because IDS rehabilitated himself by immersion in the social problems of Glasgow’s tough Easterhouse estate, figuring out what might work better than handing over cash and walking away. But it was also because Cameron did not want the job to go to what one aide dubs “just another bloodless Tory technocrat”. Chris Grayling, inter alii, was thus swiftly ruled out of promotion.
Finessing how the benefits system works and how its interplay with tax credits affects incentives, or somehow creates bad ones by mistake, is devilishly hard. Ex-Labour minister James Purnell struggled with trying to overhaul sluggish jobcentres under Tony Blair. Gerhard Schröder, the centre-left German chancellor before Merkel, tackled workless households in the old East Germany, in particular, by subsidising lowly paid jobs and limiting generous welfare and sickness entitlements. It split the country’s left, a split with lasting consequences today.Finessing how the benefits system works and how its interplay with tax credits affects incentives, or somehow creates bad ones by mistake, is devilishly hard. Ex-Labour minister James Purnell struggled with trying to overhaul sluggish jobcentres under Tony Blair. Gerhard Schröder, the centre-left German chancellor before Merkel, tackled workless households in the old East Germany, in particular, by subsidising lowly paid jobs and limiting generous welfare and sickness entitlements. It split the country’s left, a split with lasting consequences today.
Education, the key to reducing the divisive effects of stalling social mobility, may evoke howls of pain from Gove-haters. But one cannot doubt the commitment of the last Cameron government to an extension of Labour’s city academies and determination to improve the more lacklustre among them, which are likely to teach pupils from less well-off homes. (Disraeli devotees will remember that his bright working-class character, Devilsdust, climbs the aspiration ladder by going to a school provided by the factory.)Education, the key to reducing the divisive effects of stalling social mobility, may evoke howls of pain from Gove-haters. But one cannot doubt the commitment of the last Cameron government to an extension of Labour’s city academies and determination to improve the more lacklustre among them, which are likely to teach pupils from less well-off homes. (Disraeli devotees will remember that his bright working-class character, Devilsdust, climbs the aspiration ladder by going to a school provided by the factory.)
True, upheavals in schools produce some messy side-effects. Some free schools are adding good provision to existing areas of advantage. But Whitehall is now going out of its way to approve applications in underserved areas, based on the old Blairite creed that the poor have as much right to choice as the better-off.True, upheavals in schools produce some messy side-effects. Some free schools are adding good provision to existing areas of advantage. But Whitehall is now going out of its way to approve applications in underserved areas, based on the old Blairite creed that the poor have as much right to choice as the better-off.
So much for good intentions. It can fairly be said, though, that some of the government’s intentions pull strongly against one-nation outcomes. The promised welfare cut of a further £12bn and a promise to address the deficit through spending cuts, rather than tax rises, inevitably affect those who rely on state subsidies most and are not protected by the government’s “triple lock” on pensions.So much for good intentions. It can fairly be said, though, that some of the government’s intentions pull strongly against one-nation outcomes. The promised welfare cut of a further £12bn and a promise to address the deficit through spending cuts, rather than tax rises, inevitably affect those who rely on state subsidies most and are not protected by the government’s “triple lock” on pensions.
Shifting the purpose of the welfare state to promoting employment means the entitlements become more scant for those who do not respond. The Tory albatross is the pledge to make such a big incision in the welfare bill in a single parliament to pay down the deficit.Shifting the purpose of the welfare state to promoting employment means the entitlements become more scant for those who do not respond. The Tory albatross is the pledge to make such a big incision in the welfare bill in a single parliament to pay down the deficit.
More pragmatic souls suspect it is unlikely to be delivered. The truly hard cases, I suspect, will ensue as in-work benefits shrink and ministers struggle to explain how to offset that.More pragmatic souls suspect it is unlikely to be delivered. The truly hard cases, I suspect, will ensue as in-work benefits shrink and ministers struggle to explain how to offset that.
The quest for a living wage (as opposed to just a minimum one) is a leftish crusade, gaining traction on the right, as one-nation ideas have often done. It appears in ex-Downing Street aide Steve Hilton’s latest book on the sundry failings of state machinery. Hilton still has the PM’s ear and has touched on a subject that Boris Johnson has also embraced. The mayor has morphed in the past year from cheerleader of London’s wealth-creators to campaigner for the capitals’s squeezed pay packets, demanding that higher wages be “front and centre” of the economic recovery.The quest for a living wage (as opposed to just a minimum one) is a leftish crusade, gaining traction on the right, as one-nation ideas have often done. It appears in ex-Downing Street aide Steve Hilton’s latest book on the sundry failings of state machinery. Hilton still has the PM’s ear and has touched on a subject that Boris Johnson has also embraced. The mayor has morphed in the past year from cheerleader of London’s wealth-creators to campaigner for the capitals’s squeezed pay packets, demanding that higher wages be “front and centre” of the economic recovery.
Guaranteeing a living wage is hard to deliver outside the shrinking public sector, but like the minimum wage before it, a push for a higher wage floor looks more likely to grow rather than recede. Senior Tories will then have to figure out how far they are prepared to push employers to do more, as the state pays less into the subsidy pot. As a starting point, however, Cameron’s claim to govern for the whole country is useful for the most rudimentary of political reasons: namely that Labour is ditching its Milibandesque quest to reshape capitalism and accepts many Tory arguments on the welfare state. Harriet Harman, no less, revealed in her response to the Queen’s speech that she was “sympathetic” to the reduction of maximum benefits to £23,000, a sign of how far the terms of argument on the subject have shifted Torywards.Guaranteeing a living wage is hard to deliver outside the shrinking public sector, but like the minimum wage before it, a push for a higher wage floor looks more likely to grow rather than recede. Senior Tories will then have to figure out how far they are prepared to push employers to do more, as the state pays less into the subsidy pot. As a starting point, however, Cameron’s claim to govern for the whole country is useful for the most rudimentary of political reasons: namely that Labour is ditching its Milibandesque quest to reshape capitalism and accepts many Tory arguments on the welfare state. Harriet Harman, no less, revealed in her response to the Queen’s speech that she was “sympathetic” to the reduction of maximum benefits to £23,000, a sign of how far the terms of argument on the subject have shifted Torywards.
Even Andy Burnham, essentially the party’s continuity candidate, has said he would support further benefit cuts (subject to opaque ifs and buts). That’s before we get to the proto-Blairites. The more similar that positions become on welfare reform and NHS funding, the harder it becomes for opponents to say that the revived one nationism is just a cover for evil intentions.Even Andy Burnham, essentially the party’s continuity candidate, has said he would support further benefit cuts (subject to opaque ifs and buts). That’s before we get to the proto-Blairites. The more similar that positions become on welfare reform and NHS funding, the harder it becomes for opponents to say that the revived one nationism is just a cover for evil intentions.
Ahead of him, the PM sees a parliament that will throw up deep schisms on matters that are far harder to control than mere national spending. He needs a new deal to cement SNP-ruled Scotland in the union and minimise English voters’ grievance about that settlement. His best chance of winning the EU referendum is avoiding the charge of having unnecessarily divided the country. Surviving these fierce, unpredictable currents will require a bedrock of goodwill, as much as strong leadership. That is why Dizzy, as much as Maggie, is Dave’s model. Tories might even start reading Sybil.Ahead of him, the PM sees a parliament that will throw up deep schisms on matters that are far harder to control than mere national spending. He needs a new deal to cement SNP-ruled Scotland in the union and minimise English voters’ grievance about that settlement. His best chance of winning the EU referendum is avoiding the charge of having unnecessarily divided the country. Surviving these fierce, unpredictable currents will require a bedrock of goodwill, as much as strong leadership. That is why Dizzy, as much as Maggie, is Dave’s model. Tories might even start reading Sybil.