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| Cameron Presses E.U. for ‘Better Deal for Britain’ | Cameron Presses E.U. for ‘Better Deal for Britain’ |
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| LONDON — Prime Minister David Cameron, with a majority mandate from the British people, is off on a whirlwind tour of European Union capitals to seek “a better deal for Britain,” warning that otherwise, Britain will leave the bloc. Not so very long ago, Alexis Tsipras, with a fresh mandate from the Greek people, tried the same with the threat of an exit. | LONDON — Prime Minister David Cameron, with a majority mandate from the British people, is off on a whirlwind tour of European Union capitals to seek “a better deal for Britain,” warning that otherwise, Britain will leave the bloc. Not so very long ago, Alexis Tsipras, with a fresh mandate from the Greek people, tried the same with the threat of an exit. |
| But Mr. Tsipras has found the Europeans less accommodating than he had hoped, and a crisis over Greece is looming. Mr. Cameron is likely to find some willingness to listen and help — but only up to a point, given the unwieldy nature of exceptions in a bloc with 28 members that could all crave special treatment. | |
| While the two cases are obviously different, they signal an important inflection point for the European Union, especially when euroskeptic parties have had recent election victories in Britain, Finland, Poland and Spain, and the National Front in France continues to challenge assumptions about French membership in the union. | While the two cases are obviously different, they signal an important inflection point for the European Union, especially when euroskeptic parties have had recent election victories in Britain, Finland, Poland and Spain, and the National Front in France continues to challenge assumptions about French membership in the union. |
| Greece is the more pressing problem, with negotiations on a new bailout going down to the wire, and with default and a possible euro exit to follow. But even if Greece left the euro, it could remain a European Union member. | Greece is the more pressing problem, with negotiations on a new bailout going down to the wire, and with default and a possible euro exit to follow. But even if Greece left the euro, it could remain a European Union member. |
| The possibility of a “Brexit” — a British exit — raises perhaps an even more existential question about the future of the union, and Mr. Cameron is trying to concentrate minds on the possibility. He visited Prime Minister Mark Rutte of the Netherlands and President François Hollande of France on Thursday, and he will see Prime Minister Ewa Kopacz of Poland and Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany on Friday. | |
| While little is expected now except conversation, Mr. Cameron will ask Britons by the end of 2017, “Should the United Kingdom remain a member of the European Union?” Before that, he wants concessions, including a treaty change that he is unlikely to get before a referendum, since it would involve approval by all 28 governments, some requiring their own referendums. | |
| Mr. Cameron says he wants change in four broad areas. He wants to restrict the right of legal European Union migrants to claim social welfare benefits and require them to wait up to four years to claim benefits for those with jobs. He wants to ensure that countries that do not use the euro, like Britain, cannot be hurt by rules made to govern the eurozone, to protect free trade in goods and financial services. He wants Britain excluded from its treaty obligation to seek an “ever closer union,” and he wants Brussels to return some powers to national parliaments. | Mr. Cameron says he wants change in four broad areas. He wants to restrict the right of legal European Union migrants to claim social welfare benefits and require them to wait up to four years to claim benefits for those with jobs. He wants to ensure that countries that do not use the euro, like Britain, cannot be hurt by rules made to govern the eurozone, to protect free trade in goods and financial services. He wants Britain excluded from its treaty obligation to seek an “ever closer union,” and he wants Brussels to return some powers to national parliaments. |
| Further, though not a European Union issue, Mr. Cameron wants a British bill of rights, which could involve opting out of the European Convention on Human Rights, much as he has already decided not to accept Brussels-mandated quotas for migrants rescued at sea. | Further, though not a European Union issue, Mr. Cameron wants a British bill of rights, which could involve opting out of the European Convention on Human Rights, much as he has already decided not to accept Brussels-mandated quotas for migrants rescued at sea. |
| The British desire to limit migration has already led “many on the Continent to view Britain as a nasty country,” said Charles Grant, director of the Center for European Reform here. “The worse Britain’s reputation, the less likely are other governments,” with their own domestic politics, “to give Cameron what he wants,” he said. | The British desire to limit migration has already led “many on the Continent to view Britain as a nasty country,” said Charles Grant, director of the Center for European Reform here. “The worse Britain’s reputation, the less likely are other governments,” with their own domestic politics, “to give Cameron what he wants,” he said. |
| That may be especially true in Poland, which may agree with Mr. Cameron about Brussels but has felt insulted by him over immigration. | That may be especially true in Poland, which may agree with Mr. Cameron about Brussels but has felt insulted by him over immigration. |
| What Mr. Cameron suggests he wants may seem considerable on the Continent but risibly unambitious to euroskeptic Britons, especially within his own Conservative Party, who see this negotiation as a chance for fundamental change in Britain’s ties to the European Union. | What Mr. Cameron suggests he wants may seem considerable on the Continent but risibly unambitious to euroskeptic Britons, especially within his own Conservative Party, who see this negotiation as a chance for fundamental change in Britain’s ties to the European Union. |
| These euroskeptics do not want to lose a generational opportunity for change if Mr. Cameron moves for a limited agenda and a quick victory. Even Mr. Cameron’s new adviser on Europe, Mats Persson, said last month, before leaving the Open Europe research institution, that “the biggest risk is that an early vote would leave too little time for sweeping E.U. reform to be negotiated, potentially wasting a huge opportunity.” | These euroskeptics do not want to lose a generational opportunity for change if Mr. Cameron moves for a limited agenda and a quick victory. Even Mr. Cameron’s new adviser on Europe, Mats Persson, said last month, before leaving the Open Europe research institution, that “the biggest risk is that an early vote would leave too little time for sweeping E.U. reform to be negotiated, potentially wasting a huge opportunity.” |
| On Thursday, the minister for Europe, David Lidington, said, “It’s more important to get it right than to have it early.” | On Thursday, the minister for Europe, David Lidington, said, “It’s more important to get it right than to have it early.” |
| For the French and Germans, who will be crucial, the British election is “the beginning of a process,” said Vivien Pertusot, who is based in Brussels for the French Institute of International Relations. “For the French and Germans, what are the concessions they are willing to make, and what are the red lines they are not willing to cross?” he asked. “Those are two questions the two capitals, the two administrations, are not yet able to answer.” | For the French and Germans, who will be crucial, the British election is “the beginning of a process,” said Vivien Pertusot, who is based in Brussels for the French Institute of International Relations. “For the French and Germans, what are the concessions they are willing to make, and what are the red lines they are not willing to cross?” he asked. “Those are two questions the two capitals, the two administrations, are not yet able to answer.” |
| Both Germany and France want Britain, a major economic and military power, to remain. Despite traditional French skepticism about Britain’s commitment to the European idea, the French foreign minister, Laurent Fabius, said Thursday that “Britain is a military power, a diplomatic power.” | |
| “If such an important country leaves Europe,” he said, “it will give an extremely negative impression of Europe.” | “If such an important country leaves Europe,” he said, “it will give an extremely negative impression of Europe.” |
| A British exit would leave France militarily lonely, even if both countries are NATO members, and could end any effective European security and defense policy. | A British exit would leave France militarily lonely, even if both countries are NATO members, and could end any effective European security and defense policy. |
| The Germans are also anxious. Ms. Merkel has, as usual, kept her opinions largely private. Finance Minister Wolfgang Schäuble has been tough about giving too much away to Greece or Britain. | The Germans are also anxious. Ms. Merkel has, as usual, kept her opinions largely private. Finance Minister Wolfgang Schäuble has been tough about giving too much away to Greece or Britain. |
| But this week, Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier said, “We want Britain as an active partner at the center of the E.U.,” while warning the British to respect “where the limits of European accommodation lie.” | But this week, Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier said, “We want Britain as an active partner at the center of the E.U.,” while warning the British to respect “where the limits of European accommodation lie.” |
| A British or Greek exit would affect the future status of the European Union, and of Germany. A British exit would make the fact of German domination of the European Union even more obvious, which would pain Berlin, and the loss of Britain’s contribution to the budget would cost both France and Germany, which would have to pay more. | A British or Greek exit would affect the future status of the European Union, and of Germany. A British exit would make the fact of German domination of the European Union even more obvious, which would pain Berlin, and the loss of Britain’s contribution to the budget would cost both France and Germany, which would have to pay more. |
| “Against the background of Ukraine and the larger question of what to do about Russia, a Brexit or Grexit would have geopolitical consequences, and that is informing German thinking more now than a year ago,” said Hans Kundnani, a Berlin-based analyst of European and German affairs. | “Against the background of Ukraine and the larger question of what to do about Russia, a Brexit or Grexit would have geopolitical consequences, and that is informing German thinking more now than a year ago,” said Hans Kundnani, a Berlin-based analyst of European and German affairs. |
| “There’s more willingness to do a deal,” Mr. Kundnani added. Ms. Merkel, he said, “does talk about how Grexit will be perceived in China and Russia, and to lose Britain would show the E.U. incapable of solving our own problems.” | “There’s more willingness to do a deal,” Mr. Kundnani added. Ms. Merkel, he said, “does talk about how Grexit will be perceived in China and Russia, and to lose Britain would show the E.U. incapable of solving our own problems.” |