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Allegations Against French Peacekeepers Highlight Obstacles in Addressing Abuse | Allegations Against French Peacekeepers Highlight Obstacles in Addressing Abuse |
(about 4 hours later) | |
UNITED NATIONS — “Petit, viens,” — little boy, come here — a French soldier called out at a checkpoint in Bangui, the capital of Central African Republic. | |
For five months, an unknown number of French forces, sent to protect civilians from the violence tearing the country apart, forced boys to perform oral sex on them, according to testimonies collected by the United Nations. The boys, aged 9 to 15, said they had sometimes been lured with the promise of military rations. | For five months, an unknown number of French forces, sent to protect civilians from the violence tearing the country apart, forced boys to perform oral sex on them, according to testimonies collected by the United Nations. The boys, aged 9 to 15, said they had sometimes been lured with the promise of military rations. |
Now, nearly a year after the allegations came to light, no one has been charged, let alone punished. | Now, nearly a year after the allegations came to light, no one has been charged, let alone punished. |
Instead, the allegations and the aftermath have highlighted an abiding problem of international peacekeeping: How can foreign forces be held accountable when those who are sent to protect civilians in war zones end up grievously hurting them instead? | Instead, the allegations and the aftermath have highlighted an abiding problem of international peacekeeping: How can foreign forces be held accountable when those who are sent to protect civilians in war zones end up grievously hurting them instead? |
Whether peacekeepers serve the United Nations or under their own national commanders — as in the case of the French troops in Bangui — it is ultimately up to the soldiers’ home countries to investigate and prosecute such cases. | Whether peacekeepers serve the United Nations or under their own national commanders — as in the case of the French troops in Bangui — it is ultimately up to the soldiers’ home countries to investigate and prosecute such cases. |
The United Nations does not have the legal authority to prosecute or punish a country’s soldiers, even when they are serving under the banner of the United Nations. | The United Nations does not have the legal authority to prosecute or punish a country’s soldiers, even when they are serving under the banner of the United Nations. |
France has announced an official investigation into the accusations against its troops. But in many instances, including cases of sexual abuse allegations against peacekeepers on United Nations missions, some countries do not respond to queries from United Nations headquarters at all about how — or whether — they investigate their soldiers abroad, according to a recent internal audit obtained by The New York Times. | France has announced an official investigation into the accusations against its troops. But in many instances, including cases of sexual abuse allegations against peacekeepers on United Nations missions, some countries do not respond to queries from United Nations headquarters at all about how — or whether — they investigate their soldiers abroad, according to a recent internal audit obtained by The New York Times. |
Beyond that, when countries do decide to punish their troops, the sanctions vary widely. | Beyond that, when countries do decide to punish their troops, the sanctions vary widely. |
Perhaps equally surprising, United Nations officials customarily keep quiet about the issue. Averse to reporting anything that may embarrass nations that contribute troops to peacekeeping missions, they refrain from saying publicly how those countries deal with sexual abuse suspects in their ranks. | Perhaps equally surprising, United Nations officials customarily keep quiet about the issue. Averse to reporting anything that may embarrass nations that contribute troops to peacekeeping missions, they refrain from saying publicly how those countries deal with sexual abuse suspects in their ranks. |
In its most stark finding, the audit found that of all the sexual abuse allegations lodged against United Nations personnel, both military and civilian, between 2008 and 2013, roughly one-third involved children. | In its most stark finding, the audit found that of all the sexual abuse allegations lodged against United Nations personnel, both military and civilian, between 2008 and 2013, roughly one-third involved children. |
Yet there is a long list of obstacles to holding perpetrators responsible, the audit found: Investigations are mired in bureaucracy; commanders are not often held accountable for what happens in their ranks; and the most common form of punishment is sending the troops back to their home countries and barring them from serving in future missions. | Yet there is a long list of obstacles to holding perpetrators responsible, the audit found: Investigations are mired in bureaucracy; commanders are not often held accountable for what happens in their ranks; and the most common form of punishment is sending the troops back to their home countries and barring them from serving in future missions. |
The audit, carried out by the Office of Internal Oversight and obtained by The Times, found that despite the United Nations’ promise of zero tolerance of sexual exploitation and abuse by peacekeepers, effective enforcement “is hindered by a complex architecture, prolonged delays, unknown and varying outcomes and severely deficient assistance.” | |
United Nations officials point to signs of improvement. Allegations of sexual abuse against peacekeepers have declined, they say, though they concede that underreporting is a problem. And they argue that troop-contributing countries are getting better at pursuing accountability and telling the United Nations about it, albeit quietly. | United Nations officials point to signs of improvement. Allegations of sexual abuse against peacekeepers have declined, they say, though they concede that underreporting is a problem. And they argue that troop-contributing countries are getting better at pursuing accountability and telling the United Nations about it, albeit quietly. |
Officials point to the case of Pakistani peacekeepers accused of raping a boy in Haiti a few years ago as a model of accountability. Pakistan sent military judges to conduct a trial in Haiti. One peacekeeper was convicted, and then, to the dismay of many Haitians, whisked back to Pakistan to serve a one-year jail sentence. | Officials point to the case of Pakistani peacekeepers accused of raping a boy in Haiti a few years ago as a model of accountability. Pakistan sent military judges to conduct a trial in Haiti. One peacekeeper was convicted, and then, to the dismay of many Haitians, whisked back to Pakistan to serve a one-year jail sentence. |
“People can always say punishment was too light or whatever, but the system worked as it should,” Anthony Banbury, the United Nations assistant secretary general for field support, said of the case. | “People can always say punishment was too light or whatever, but the system worked as it should,” Anthony Banbury, the United Nations assistant secretary general for field support, said of the case. |
Though the United Nations does not have the authority to prosecute a sovereign country’s soldiers, it does have leverage: It can bar a unit commander or an entire country from getting a lucrative peacekeeping contract because of the way it has handled sexual abuse allegations. Even so, that is extremely rare. | Though the United Nations does not have the authority to prosecute a sovereign country’s soldiers, it does have leverage: It can bar a unit commander or an entire country from getting a lucrative peacekeeping contract because of the way it has handled sexual abuse allegations. Even so, that is extremely rare. |
Sexual abuse by peacekeepers plagues more than United Nations missions. Human Rights Watch compiled a report on rape and sexual exploitation by African Union troops in Somalia in 2012 and 2013. The African Union investigated the allegations, promising zero tolerance, but it said it could not substantiate the vast majority of cases, in part because the accused soldiers had been sent back home. | |
In the Central African Republic case, French and United Nations officials have blamed each other for delays in the investigation. | |
According to the children’s testimonies, the suspected abuse began in December 2013. In May 2014, the United Nations human rights office appointed an employee in Bangui to interview children, accompanied by a child protection officer from Unicef, the United Nations children’s agency. | According to the children’s testimonies, the suspected abuse began in December 2013. In May 2014, the United Nations human rights office appointed an employee in Bangui to interview children, accompanied by a child protection officer from Unicef, the United Nations children’s agency. |
In the officer’s six-page report, based on interviews with six victims and witnesses, the children described the features of some of the suspects, including tattoos and piercings, and in one case, a mole. | In the officer’s six-page report, based on interviews with six victims and witnesses, the children described the features of some of the suspects, including tattoos and piercings, and in one case, a mole. |
One child recalled being shown a pornographic video before being ordered to perform oral sex. Several recalled being hungry and receiving food and cash after the abuse. | One child recalled being shown a pornographic video before being ordered to perform oral sex. Several recalled being hungry and receiving food and cash after the abuse. |
The testimonies implicated not just French troops. One witness described hearing his friend cry out in pain as he was raped by a Chadian soldier. The same witness also said he saw soldiers from Equatorial Guinea raping a boy. Neither country has said whether or how they are investigating those allegations; the United Nations said neither country’s troops were serving in the mission in Central African Republic, which is now run by the United Nations. | |
By mid-July, the report was sent up the United Nations hierarchy to a director of field operations, a Swede named Anders Kompass. In his testimony to an internal tribunal, he said he told his boss of the findings. He said he then gave the report to French diplomats in Geneva. | By mid-July, the report was sent up the United Nations hierarchy to a director of field operations, a Swede named Anders Kompass. In his testimony to an internal tribunal, he said he told his boss of the findings. He said he then gave the report to French diplomats in Geneva. |
The report contained the names of the victims, as well as the name of the French citizen who collected their testimonies. For this, Mr. Kompass was suspended, pending investigation. A United Nations tribunal later reinstated him. | |
Mr. Kompass, in the tribunal papers, does not explain why he offered the report to France before letting his superiors redact names and submit it officially. | Mr. Kompass, in the tribunal papers, does not explain why he offered the report to France before letting his superiors redact names and submit it officially. |
But a bigger mystery remains: What action did his boss, the deputy high commissioner for human rights, Flavia Pansieri, take after being told of egregious allegations of child sexual abuse? | But a bigger mystery remains: What action did his boss, the deputy high commissioner for human rights, Flavia Pansieri, take after being told of egregious allegations of child sexual abuse? |
Not until March 28, a full eight months after Mr. Kompass’s leak to the French, did the United Nations send an official copy of its Bangui inquiry to the government of France, this time with names redacted. | Not until March 28, a full eight months after Mr. Kompass’s leak to the French, did the United Nations send an official copy of its Bangui inquiry to the government of France, this time with names redacted. |
A spokesman for the human rights office in Geneva said he could not comment on Ms. Pansieri’s actions, pending an internal inquiry. | A spokesman for the human rights office in Geneva said he could not comment on Ms. Pansieri’s actions, pending an internal inquiry. |
Likewise, other United Nations officials in Bangui appear not to have taken action on their own. The mission chief did not alert his boss, the peacekeeping department in New York. Nor did Unicef officials in New York raise the alarm. They both left it to the human rights office in Geneva to take further action. | Likewise, other United Nations officials in Bangui appear not to have taken action on their own. The mission chief did not alert his boss, the peacekeeping department in New York. Nor did Unicef officials in New York raise the alarm. They both left it to the human rights office in Geneva to take further action. |
Paradoxically, Mr. Kompass’s ultimate boss — Zeid Ra’ad al-Hussein, the high commissioner for human rights, who called for Mr. Kompass’s suspension — had once issued a blistering critique of how the United Nations handles sexual abuse allegations in peacekeeping forces. | Paradoxically, Mr. Kompass’s ultimate boss — Zeid Ra’ad al-Hussein, the high commissioner for human rights, who called for Mr. Kompass’s suspension — had once issued a blistering critique of how the United Nations handles sexual abuse allegations in peacekeeping forces. |
A former peacekeeper in the Balkans, Mr. Hussein had called for deep and wide reforms in a 2005 report to the secretary general. Few of them were carried out, because of objections from countries that offer troops. | |
Last March, prodding the General Assembly once more, the Secretary General Ban Ki-moon recycled many of those reforms. He recommended, among other things, more swift investigations, a fund to assist victims, and naming and shaming those troop-contributing countries that do not disclose how they investigate and prosecute their troops. | Last March, prodding the General Assembly once more, the Secretary General Ban Ki-moon recycled many of those reforms. He recommended, among other things, more swift investigations, a fund to assist victims, and naming and shaming those troop-contributing countries that do not disclose how they investigate and prosecute their troops. |
“Zero tolerance,” for sexual abuse, he said in a report to the General Assembly, must mean working with governments “to ensure violators are held responsible through financial, disciplinary and/or criminal accountability measures.” | “Zero tolerance,” for sexual abuse, he said in a report to the General Assembly, must mean working with governments “to ensure violators are held responsible through financial, disciplinary and/or criminal accountability measures.” |
Two months later, the story of French soldiers in the Central African Republic came out. | Two months later, the story of French soldiers in the Central African Republic came out. |