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| Our Man in Tehran Answers Your Questions About Iran | |
| (1 day later) | |
| Thomas Erdbrink, the Tehran bureau chief for The New York Times, is responding to readers questions about Iran and his video series, “Our Man in Tehran.” Read more below and submit your questions for Mr. Erdbrink. | |
| If you have questions about Iran, you might travel to Shiraz, in the southwest of the country, to visit the man with the little bird. | If you have questions about Iran, you might travel to Shiraz, in the southwest of the country, to visit the man with the little bird. |
| This anonymous fellow and his brightly colored parakeet sit every day on a bench along a tree-lined boulevard across from the Tomb of Hafez, a shrine to the 14th-century Persian poet. | This anonymous fellow and his brightly colored parakeet sit every day on a bench along a tree-lined boulevard across from the Tomb of Hafez, a shrine to the 14th-century Persian poet. |
| The man — or perhaps the bird — is a soothsayer, of sorts. He does not so much as read your fortune as he keeps answers to your important questions safe, until such time as you are ready to ask them. | The man — or perhaps the bird — is a soothsayer, of sorts. He does not so much as read your fortune as he keeps answers to your important questions safe, until such time as you are ready to ask them. |
| For 2,000 tomans, or about 50 cents, the man will have his bird choose from a box one of dozens of prophetic poems written in Persian script on pastel-colored slips of paper. | For 2,000 tomans, or about 50 cents, the man will have his bird choose from a box one of dozens of prophetic poems written in Persian script on pastel-colored slips of paper. |
| “The poem will predict your future and has an answer to all your questions, even the political ones,” Thomas Erdbrink, the Tehran bureau chief for The New York Times, explained in the first episode of “Our Man in Tehran,” one of seven videos that explore life in the Islamic Republic. | “The poem will predict your future and has an answer to all your questions, even the political ones,” Thomas Erdbrink, the Tehran bureau chief for The New York Times, explained in the first episode of “Our Man in Tehran,” one of seven videos that explore life in the Islamic Republic. |
| During the series, Mr. Erdbrink introduces us to modern Iranians who want a more open society and religious conservatives who support the ruling ayatollahs. He has candid conversations with people about religion and politics, revenge and forgiveness. | During the series, Mr. Erdbrink introduces us to modern Iranians who want a more open society and religious conservatives who support the ruling ayatollahs. He has candid conversations with people about religion and politics, revenge and forgiveness. |
| “Working as a Western reporter in Iran is complicated,” Mr. Erdbrink said. “But one can do much more than one might expect.” | “Working as a Western reporter in Iran is complicated,” Mr. Erdbrink said. “But one can do much more than one might expect.” |
| Many of us cannot travel easily to Shiraz to ask our questions of the man and his bird. So we invite you to ask your questions here. | Many of us cannot travel easily to Shiraz to ask our questions of the man and his bird. So we invite you to ask your questions here. |
| What would you like to know about Iran? Watch the videos, above, and submit your questions for Mr. Erdbrink. He is answering select readers’ queries below. | |
| Mr. Erdbrink cannot answer all your questions, but perhaps the man with the little bird can help: We will send Persian poems purchased from the man in Shiraz to 30 readers who submit their questions about Iran. | |
| Q. Dear Mr. Erdbrink, the Iranian population is very young, the people in power are old. Do those young Iranians have any kind of political power? And if they do, what difference can they make? — Esther, the Netherlands | |
| A. First, Esther, you should remember a key statistic: more than 70 percent of all Iranians are under 35 years old. That figure shows the tremendous influence that they can wield. | |
| These young Iranians, seeing how their parents carried out a revolution, have not always been pleased with the results and therefore many shy away from politics. But there are no legal avenues for groups of people with different ideas to organize themselves outside the dominant political framework of the Islamic Revolution. | |
| Now, that doesn’t mean that all of those young people are not already changing this country. In many ways, their desires, their style, their connections to the rest of the world via the Internet and their love for higher education have created an invisible current that is undeniably influencing those in power, even staunch conservatives. | |
| There are many rules in Iran, but there is also a great deal of flexibility in how those rules are carried out. It is fairly easy to go on Facebook, even though state censors have blocked that social network. Parties with men and women are not allowed, but the sexes mix often at parties in cities here. Western music is forbidden, but recordings are widely available. | |
| Young Iranians have muscled out some space for themselves where, officially, not much is allowed but where, in reality, a lot is possible. | |
| Young Iranians and their older leaders are regularly adapting to changing situations. A case in point was the surprise election in 2013 of President Hassan Rouhani, who advocates reconciliation with the West and a more moderate Iranian government — just what many of those young people desire. That the top religious leaders allow him to implement many of his policies, and that his government is engaged in nuclear talks in an effort to get sanctions lifted, shows that members of the ruling class hear the call of young Iranians. | |
| Does that mean that Iran will soon become a country that resembles Western nations? No, I don’t think so, nor does it mean that pressures on activists and journalists will ease. But the relative openness does illustrate some sort of dynamism in this society that other countries in the region clearly lack. | |
| Q. Is Iran’s government trying to dominate the region with their expansion policy by supporting their proxies in other Arab countries? — Fahad Aljarbou, Saudi Arabia | |
| A. Hi Fahad. It is interesting to get a comment from Saudi Arabia, especially at a time when the governments of Saudi Arabia and Iran are increasingly at odds with each other. | |
| An Iranian might say, “Of course our country has influence in the region; Iran is a great power.” You might disagree, but in Iran the perception of its role in the region is very different. | |
| For a long time, many ordinary Iranians were upset with their government’s support for Hezbollah in Lebanon, President Bashar al-Assad of Syria and other Shiite groups in the Middle East. They saw such support as a waste of money. | |
| But the rise of the Islamic State and the threat the Sunni militants of ISIS pose to Shiites in the Middle East has led many people here, in the only Shiite-dominated country in the region, to change their opinion. Many people here say Saudi Arabia shares the same ideology as the Islamic State, and they suspect Saudi Arabia of partly funding the group. | |
| The Saudi-led bombings of Yemen are perceived here as an attempt to regain Saudi influence in that country where, it is also clear that the Houthi rebels receive some sort of support from Iran. | |
| In short, Iran is supporting proxies, but its regional rival Saudi Arabia is doing exactly the same thing, Iranians say. | |
| Q. Why do leading military, political and religious leaders continue to engage in incendiary anti-U.S. and anti-Israeli rhetoric at the same time the P5-plus-1 group is trying to come to an accommodation with their government? — David Godinez, Kansas City, Mo. | |
| A. That is a very valid question and there really is no clear answer. It all comes down to Iran’s ideology, which is deeply intertwined with its recent history and the official dislike of United States policies. | |
| Also, Iran does not recognize the state of Israel. The government here sees Israelis as the illegal occupiers of another country, Palestine. | |
| Those Iranian officials negotiating on the government’s behalf with the United States and five other world powers still must adhere to the country’s official positions against American and Israeli policy. | |
| The “death to America” slogan may have become a rallying cry for Iranian hard-liners who receive a lot of media exposure during public demonstrations, but it is not as if shopkeepers and pedestrians are shouting this whenever they feel like it. Many people feel it is time to move beyond such slogans. | |
| Still, a nuclear deal by the June 30 deadline will not immediately usher in a period of better relations between the United States and Iran because there are a great many ideological differences that will persist and regional competition for influence and power. |