Inside the campaigns: 'Labour must seek to persuade, not just mobilise'
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Version 0 of 1. For Labour to win again, we must be honest with ourselves about where we fell short and why. We cannot blame the electorate and we must change in profound, even painful, ways. We should start by acknowledging that leadership and economic trust are indeed the alpha and omega of politics. And that fieldwork is a method, not a strategy. Turning first to the question of leadership: Ed Miliband is a smart and decent man who cares passionately about inequality. It was my privilege to work for him in the leadership race five years ago. But his decency and compassion were sadly not enough to overcome the leadership advantage David Cameron enjoyed from 2010 on. While there were moments where he cut through (like standing up to Murdoch over phone hacking) these were not enough to counter the public perception of him. And despite my hopes, it turns out that, where voters are concerned, perception is indeed reality. Next, on the economy, Labour found itself caught between that which is academic truth (the deficit was caused by the crash, not vice versa) and that which again was the voters’ perception (that the deficit was caused by Labour). Related: Inside the campaigns: 'Pursuing a Tory wish list would misread country's mood' Faced with this, Labour had two choices: agree with the critique or attempt to educate the public as to “the truth”. The party attempted to do both, swerving in between the two without really standing up for either over the course of the parliament before settling on defence only recently. In so doing Labour suffered from the worst of both worlds: a policy position that emphasised tight spending control but a public perception of spending profligacy. Neither Keynesians nor deficit hawks were happy. The left was not enthused, while the right still wanted an apology for Labour spending. Attempts to reframe the entire economic argument into “the cost of living crisis” failed. In the end it turned out that shouting “the rent is too damned high” wins you more nods of agreement than changed minds and, crucially, votes. Labour’s future economic position must meet the voters where they are and reassure them by speaking to aspiration as well as insecurity. If New Labour failed to understand the insecurity that comes with globalisation, Miliband’s Labour failed to understand the driving force of aspiration. In terms of organising, the faith people like me placed in our ground troops’ ability to win was excessive. Because ground troops without air cover get killed. I have advocated for years that fieldwork can make the difference, but the difference it can make is more limited than I had thought or hoped. Thousands of Labour foot soldiers took the Labour message to hundreds of thousands of Labour voters. But we were rallying, not persuading. Turning out, not changing minds. So the scale of change needed for Labour is vast. We must master the basics again (strong leadership and economic trust) and seek to persuade, not just mobilise. There is a politics that can do that and that’s what Labour must turn to next. To earn the respect of voters, Labour will need to attract new leaders and new talent from more diverse backgrounds In the past five years Labour retreated to its comfort zone. Labour focused solely on fairness, equality and social justice and failed to occupy the vital political space of contribution, community and responsibility. Our politics became consumed by retail offers like the energy price freeze aimed to address economic insecurity, but we had little to say about the politics of identity (be it Scottishness or Englishness) that holds the key to voters’ hearts. Too many voters, in John Denham’s memorable phrase of 2010, “sensed we looked past them to those we really want to help”. Labour offered change and charity to an electorate asking for stability and strength. To rebuild, Labour should rally around the things that voters care about: the work they do, the families they love, the places they live. This politics of work, family and place is how Labour can be more than just the political arm of a charity and become a movement that represents working class and middle class alike. It requires a policy agenda that shares power and prosperity and demands shared sacrifice instead of promising voters ever more nice things paid for by someone else. If Labour can ground itself in the lived experience of actual voters, if it can feel what voters feel instead of reducing politics to a cost-benefit analysis of “£1,600 worse off under the Tories” and the comfort zone of “I heart the NHS”, then the party can come back. Related: Inside the campaigns: cavalier Lib Dems were hurt by dowdy Roundhead role To do so, Labour must become far bigger. It must be a movement that earns back the trust of voters through action on the ground: community organising that listens to voters’ concerns and takes action with voters, not just for voters. Collecting huge amounts of voter ID and issuing endless leaflets does not change minds. We must respect, empower and include our members as we grow a bigger party that trusts them to persuade voters with their own stories rather than bombard them with national statistics. To earn the respect of voters, Labour will need to attract new leaders and new talent from a more diverse range of backgrounds. Taken together this is the politics that will bring Labour back in southern and Scottish seats alike. A big politics with a big party. The leadership candidate who embraces change of this scale and then actually practises what they preach by transforming Labour radically, will be the winner not just of this contest but of Downing Street. Marcus Roberts is deputy general secretary of the Fabian Society. Twitter:@marcusaroberts |