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Palestinian Discontent With Abbas Is Growing | |
(about 9 hours later) | |
AL AMARI REFUGEE CAMP, West Bank — Residents of this cinder-block ghetto, a few miles from the headquarters of President Mahmoud Abbas of the Palestinian Authority, recently removed his portrait from the camp’s entrance. | |
Then they sought to embarrass Mr. Abbas by roundly rejecting his son’s bid to lead a local sports club. And in case the message was not clear enough, after the vote, men paraded through the streets chanting, “Tell your father that Amari camp doesn’t like you!” | Then they sought to embarrass Mr. Abbas by roundly rejecting his son’s bid to lead a local sports club. And in case the message was not clear enough, after the vote, men paraded through the streets chanting, “Tell your father that Amari camp doesn’t like you!” |
Much attention has focused recently on the Israeli leader Benjamin Netanyahu’s apparent disavowal of a two-state solution and his shattered relationship with the Obama administration. | |
But of perhaps equal importance is a growing discontent in Palestinian ranks, much of it focused on Mr. Abbas. While the United States and Europe seem ever more ready to pressure Israel to end its occupation of the West Bank, some Palestinians are questioning whether their leader, who celebrated his 80th birthday last week, will be able to seize the opportunity. | But of perhaps equal importance is a growing discontent in Palestinian ranks, much of it focused on Mr. Abbas. While the United States and Europe seem ever more ready to pressure Israel to end its occupation of the West Bank, some Palestinians are questioning whether their leader, who celebrated his 80th birthday last week, will be able to seize the opportunity. |
“The prerequisites for independence — some of them are related to Israel — you need Israel to accept the need to give up its control over the Palestinian occupied territories,” said Ghassan Khatib, vice president of Birzeit University, near Ramallah, in the West Bank. | “The prerequisites for independence — some of them are related to Israel — you need Israel to accept the need to give up its control over the Palestinian occupied territories,” said Ghassan Khatib, vice president of Birzeit University, near Ramallah, in the West Bank. |
Before that, however, the Palestinians have to resolve their own problems, beginning with the split between the Palestinian Authority, led by Mr. Abbas’s Fatah faction, and Hamas in Gaza, Mr. Khatib said. | |
“You need Palestinians to be unified and have a system that will allow them to become a Palestinian state,” he continued. “So internal problems — like the split, and like the paralyzed political system, and a lack of elections — they are impediments also, for achieving the objective of independence and statehood.” | |
Palestinians note that Jewish settlements in the occupied West Bank have expanded. East Jerusalem, which they hope to be the capital of a future state, is beyond their reach, and they are beholden to Israel for their prosperity. Years of negotiations with Israel for statehood have gone nowhere. | |
Now, Palestinians are deep in an economic crisis because Israel withheld tax revenues for nearly three months, as a punishment for Palestinians’ seeking to join the International Criminal Court (they will assume full membership in April). Israel announced Friday that it would release the withheld funds, apparently in an effort to appease the Obama administration after weeks of tensions, though it will continue to hold back tax revenue. | |
“There’s no change, but the settlements get bigger and people are tired — if they had a chance to change, they would,” said Hassan, 27, at a two-chair falafel stall amid the crowded homes of the Amari refugee camp. | |
“People are being buried in starvation and unemployment,” said Hassan, who requested that his family name not be used because he feared harassment by security services. He supports his seven brothers and sisters on $12 a day earned as a day laborer. | “People are being buried in starvation and unemployment,” said Hassan, who requested that his family name not be used because he feared harassment by security services. He supports his seven brothers and sisters on $12 a day earned as a day laborer. |
To an increasing number of Palestinians, Mr. Abbas is inextricably enmeshed with their broader problems. A colorless leader in the 10th year of what was meant to have been a five-year term — the Palestinian leadership has not held a presidential election since 2005 — he has failed to cultivate a successor and has systematically snuffed out any challenges to his rule. He has also not capitalized on a reconciliation pact signed nearly a year ago with Hamas, or taken charge of reconstructing the Gaza Strip after last summer’s devastating war with Israel. | |
“The criticism against Abbas is increasing day by day because Palestinian people ask themselves, What did Mahmoud Abbas achieve until now?” said a 59-year-old retired teacher in the Amari camp, who would only give the nickname Abu Mohammed, because he feared harassment by security forces. | |
But the problems go beyond Mr. Abbas’s widely panned leadership, most significantly to the crushing division between Fatah, which has control of the Palestinian Authority and governs Palestinian communities in the West Bank, and Hamas, the militant Islamic group, which rules over Gaza. | But the problems go beyond Mr. Abbas’s widely panned leadership, most significantly to the crushing division between Fatah, which has control of the Palestinian Authority and governs Palestinian communities in the West Bank, and Hamas, the militant Islamic group, which rules over Gaza. |
Mr. Abbas is widely resented in Gaza, a territory he has not visited since Hamas drove out Fatah in 2007, in a bloody civil war that followed a failed unity government after Hamas’s victory in the 2006 Palestinian legislative elections. | Mr. Abbas is widely resented in Gaza, a territory he has not visited since Hamas drove out Fatah in 2007, in a bloody civil war that followed a failed unity government after Hamas’s victory in the 2006 Palestinian legislative elections. |
With deep resentments on both sides, they have been unable to negotiate a deal that would allow Mr. Abbas to take control of Gaza’s border crossings, which would ease a blockade by Egypt and Israel. Most frustrating for many Palestinians is that there is international support for such a move, making it appear, more than ever, that their leaders care little for their welfare. | |
Opening the borders, even partially, would help rebuild Gaza after Israel’s last crushing war against Hamas killed hundreds of civilians, smashed neighborhoods and left its 1.7 million residents in growing despair, without regular power or clean water. | |
Instead, Mr. Abbas sent his prime minister, Rami Hamdallah, to Gaza last week, although little was expected of his meetings with Hamas officials. | Instead, Mr. Abbas sent his prime minister, Rami Hamdallah, to Gaza last week, although little was expected of his meetings with Hamas officials. |
Neither Hamas nor Mr. Abbas show interest in elections, paralyzing the Palestinian parliamentary and legislative system. The government that sprang from the reconciliation pact they signed last April has achieved little. | Neither Hamas nor Mr. Abbas show interest in elections, paralyzing the Palestinian parliamentary and legislative system. The government that sprang from the reconciliation pact they signed last April has achieved little. |
Mr. Abbas refuses to pay Hamas-appointed government workers in Gaza, fostering resentment. Hamas officials are resisting handing over military control to Mr. Abbas’s forces. | |
Yet Mr. Abbas is also somewhat hamstrung. Reconciling with Hamas, whose charter calls for Israel’s destruction, could lead to crushing international isolation in an economy dependent on foreign aid. | |
European diplomats have offered a solution in which Mr. Abbas would have the leading hand in a unity government. But a direct role for Hamas, which the United States deems a terrorist organization, would risk the $400 million Washington provides the Palestinian Authority annually. | European diplomats have offered a solution in which Mr. Abbas would have the leading hand in a unity government. But a direct role for Hamas, which the United States deems a terrorist organization, would risk the $400 million Washington provides the Palestinian Authority annually. |
In the West Bank, Mr. Abbas was once praised for establishing security, cracking down on gunmen who terrorized Palestinian communities devastated by years of violence and Israeli closures. He also crushed Hamas in the West Bank, helped by coordinating security with Israel. | |
Palestinians say that Mr. Abbas has little else to show for his efforts, and that he is trying to ensure that no other leaders can emerge in his stead. | |
In particular, he is trying to crush the ambitions of his one-time ally, Muhammad Dahlan. The wealthy Gaza strongman, once a feared security chief, commands loyalty in Gaza, and appears to be building a following in the West Bank. | In particular, he is trying to crush the ambitions of his one-time ally, Muhammad Dahlan. The wealthy Gaza strongman, once a feared security chief, commands loyalty in Gaza, and appears to be building a following in the West Bank. |
Over the past two years, Mr. Abbas’s Palestinian Authority has put Mr. Dahlan on trial in absentia for corruption. He was sentenced to two years in jail for defamation — effectively barring him from running in elections — and he was expelled from the ruling body in Fatah, the political party that Mr. Abbas heads. | |
Mr. Abbas has also moved against Salam Fayyad, a former prime minister: In August, Mr. Abbas’s security forces questioned employees of an organization led by Mr. Fayyad, in what was widely seen as an attempt to intimidate him. | |
A small incident in Amari on March 20, which lies just miles from Ramallah, the gleaming political center of the West Bank, underscored the gathering fury against Mr. Abbas and the system he heads. | |
The president’s son, Tareq, ran for the leadership of the Amari Youth Center — a ramshackle set of buildings hosting a cinema, a table-tennis room, a basketball court-cum-parking lot and lodging for the camp’s soccer team. But with growing resentment against his father, Tareq Abbas lost to a popular camp leader, Jihad Tumaileh. | |
After Mr. Tumaileh’s victory, men chanted in the streets and women ululated from balconies. “It was a defeat for Mahmoud Abbas,” Abu Mohammed, the former teacher, said. | |
While many Palestinians acknowledge their system is broken, they worry that it is being used as an excuse by Israel and other countries to allow their statehood hopes to wither. | |
“It is always demanded of Palestinians to give a guarantee so they can have a state,” said Sabri Saydam, a former adviser to Mr. Abbas. “No matter what we do, there will always be pretexts.” | “It is always demanded of Palestinians to give a guarantee so they can have a state,” said Sabri Saydam, a former adviser to Mr. Abbas. “No matter what we do, there will always be pretexts.” |