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In Chávez, Maduro Trusts, Maybe to His Detriment and Venezuela’s In Chávez, Maduro Trusts, Maybe to His Detriment and Venezuela’s
(about 11 hours later)
CARACAS, Venezuela — He thunders about conspiracies and assassination plots. He says that he sleeps with both eyes open. Few Venezuelans even know where he lives. CARACAS, Venezuela — He thunders about conspiracies and assassination plots. He says that he sleeps with both eyes open. Few Venezuelans even know where he lives.
But no matter the dangers, President Nicolás Maduro says that no one will scare him, fool him or divert him from carrying out the mission that the “eternal Commander Chávez” has given him “until the end of the end of the roads, now and forever.”But no matter the dangers, President Nicolás Maduro says that no one will scare him, fool him or divert him from carrying out the mission that the “eternal Commander Chávez” has given him “until the end of the end of the roads, now and forever.”
Mr. Maduro came into office seeking to imitate his charismatic predecessor and mentor, Hugo Chávez, in nearly every way: the way he talked, the way he dressed and in his fulminations against American imperialism.Mr. Maduro came into office seeking to imitate his charismatic predecessor and mentor, Hugo Chávez, in nearly every way: the way he talked, the way he dressed and in his fulminations against American imperialism.
But now, two years after the death of Mr. Chávez, with his country sinking deeper into an economic crisis, what was once Mr. Maduro’s greatest advantage — his absolute loyalty to the late leader — may have become his greatest handicap. But now, two years after the death of Mr. Chávez, with his country sinking deeper into an economic crisis, what was once Mr. Maduro’s greatest advantage — his absolute loyalty to the former leader — may have become his greatest handicap.
“The government inaction, the inertia, comes from a belief that you find in Nicolás Maduro and his government about defending Chávez’s legacy, as if nothing that Chávez left can be touched, nothing can be changed or corrected because that would be considered a betrayal,” said Victor Álvarez, a leftist economist and former government minister under Mr. Chávez.“The government inaction, the inertia, comes from a belief that you find in Nicolás Maduro and his government about defending Chávez’s legacy, as if nothing that Chávez left can be touched, nothing can be changed or corrected because that would be considered a betrayal,” said Victor Álvarez, a leftist economist and former government minister under Mr. Chávez.
Well before Mr. Chávez’s death on March 5, 2013, it became clear that many of his policies needed to be revised or even discarded to set the nation’s economy on the right track, Mr. Álvarez said.Well before Mr. Chávez’s death on March 5, 2013, it became clear that many of his policies needed to be revised or even discarded to set the nation’s economy on the right track, Mr. Álvarez said.
But wary of breaking from his mentor’s course, Mr. Maduro, who repeats Mr. Chávez’s name like a mantra and calls himself the son of Chávez, has doubled down on the same policies, which economists say have contributed to a storm of economic problems, including recession, soaring inflation and chronic shortages of basic goods.But wary of breaking from his mentor’s course, Mr. Maduro, who repeats Mr. Chávez’s name like a mantra and calls himself the son of Chávez, has doubled down on the same policies, which economists say have contributed to a storm of economic problems, including recession, soaring inflation and chronic shortages of basic goods.
“Maduro has a tragic destiny,” said Alberto Barrera, a newspaper columnist and novelist. He argued that Mr. Maduro has to blame the United States and other enemies for the country’s problems because to do otherwise would recognize that Mr. Chávez’s legacy is flawed.“Maduro has a tragic destiny,” said Alberto Barrera, a newspaper columnist and novelist. He argued that Mr. Maduro has to blame the United States and other enemies for the country’s problems because to do otherwise would recognize that Mr. Chávez’s legacy is flawed.
“Maduro knows that he has to confront a very big crisis, but to accept and recognize the crisis is to recognize that Chávez and the revolution failed,” Mr. Barrera added.“Maduro knows that he has to confront a very big crisis, but to accept and recognize the crisis is to recognize that Chávez and the revolution failed,” Mr. Barrera added.
While Mr. Maduro sticks to Mr. Chávez’s legacy in economic matters — including price controls and government ownership of major companies that have stagnated and been mismanaged — many Venezuelans argue that he may have surpassed Mr. Chávez in one area: his attacks on the political opposition.While Mr. Maduro sticks to Mr. Chávez’s legacy in economic matters — including price controls and government ownership of major companies that have stagnated and been mismanaged — many Venezuelans argue that he may have surpassed Mr. Chávez in one area: his attacks on the political opposition.
After dispatching troops during protests last year, Mr. Maduro has jailed a succession of prominent politicians. Last month, the intelligence police raided the office of Antonio Ledezma, the mayor of Caracas, and hauled him off to jail. He has been accused of taking part in one of the many coup plots Mr. Maduro has alleged.After dispatching troops during protests last year, Mr. Maduro has jailed a succession of prominent politicians. Last month, the intelligence police raided the office of Antonio Ledezma, the mayor of Caracas, and hauled him off to jail. He has been accused of taking part in one of the many coup plots Mr. Maduro has alleged.
Mr. Ledezma now sits in the Ramo Verde military prison, along with Leopoldo López, the leader of a political party who championed last year’s protests, and Daniel Ceballos, a former mayor. Another former opposition mayor, Enzo Scarano, was recently released.Mr. Ledezma now sits in the Ramo Verde military prison, along with Leopoldo López, the leader of a political party who championed last year’s protests, and Daniel Ceballos, a former mayor. Another former opposition mayor, Enzo Scarano, was recently released.
Mr. Chávez also sought regularly to intimidate the opposition, and he drove some opposing politicians into exile with threats to have them arrested. But opposition leaders say that being politically active is much riskier today.Mr. Chávez also sought regularly to intimidate the opposition, and he drove some opposing politicians into exile with threats to have them arrested. But opposition leaders say that being politically active is much riskier today.
“Maduro’s problem is that he does not project leadership, so he has to make up for it by trying to look strong,” said Stalin González, an opposition legislator. “People laugh at him; they don’t take him seriously. It’s like a bully at school. They laugh at him, and he resorts to violence so that they will respect him.”“Maduro’s problem is that he does not project leadership, so he has to make up for it by trying to look strong,” said Stalin González, an opposition legislator. “People laugh at him; they don’t take him seriously. It’s like a bully at school. They laugh at him, and he resorts to violence so that they will respect him.”
Mr. Maduro, a civilian with no military background, has loaded his government with military officers to a greater extent than Mr. Chávez, a former paratrooper who celebrated the trappings of military life.Mr. Maduro, a civilian with no military background, has loaded his government with military officers to a greater extent than Mr. Chávez, a former paratrooper who celebrated the trappings of military life.
The ministers of finance, the interior and food and Mr. Maduro’s chief of staff are military officers, as are a number of other cabinet members.The ministers of finance, the interior and food and Mr. Maduro’s chief of staff are military officers, as are a number of other cabinet members.
“The ministerial positions that manage the greatest economic resources are in the hands of military officers,” said Rocío San Miguel, president of Control Ciudadano, a group that monitors the military. She said that more than a quarter of government ministers were now current or former military officers, compared with one in five near the end of Mr. Chávez’s presidency. “The ministerial positions that manage the greatest economic resources are in the hands of military officers,” said Rocío San Miguel, president of Control Ciudadan o, a group that monitors the military. She said that more than a quarter of government ministers were now current or former military officers, compared with one in five near the end of Mr. Chávez’s presidency.
Mr. Maduro has also lavished perks on the military, giving the armed forces their own television station, a bank and other prizes.Mr. Maduro has also lavished perks on the military, giving the armed forces their own television station, a bank and other prizes.
That has raised questions of whether Mr. Maduro has drawn the military close to build alliances, whether he is a captive of interests beyond his control, or both.That has raised questions of whether Mr. Maduro has drawn the military close to build alliances, whether he is a captive of interests beyond his control, or both.
Mr. Maduro was handpicked by Mr. Chávez, who was sick with cancer, to succeed him, and Mr. Maduro won a presidential election by a narrow margin in 2013.Mr. Maduro was handpicked by Mr. Chávez, who was sick with cancer, to succeed him, and Mr. Maduro won a presidential election by a narrow margin in 2013.
Yet to many he still seems stuck in Mr. Chávez’s shadow. Even his backers describe him in relation to his mentor.Yet to many he still seems stuck in Mr. Chávez’s shadow. Even his backers describe him in relation to his mentor.
“He learned from Chávez to look at reality straight on and attack it as it is,” said Roy Daza, a member of Mr. Maduro’s United Socialist Party in the Latin American Parliament, a regional body.“He learned from Chávez to look at reality straight on and attack it as it is,” said Roy Daza, a member of Mr. Maduro’s United Socialist Party in the Latin American Parliament, a regional body.
Critics say that attack typically focuses on the symptoms, not the roots, of longstanding problems. Faced with huge lines and shortages of basic items like corn flour or sugar, Mr. Maduro has jailed retail executives while steadfastly maintaining the price controls that many economists say cause the problem.Critics say that attack typically focuses on the symptoms, not the roots, of longstanding problems. Faced with huge lines and shortages of basic items like corn flour or sugar, Mr. Maduro has jailed retail executives while steadfastly maintaining the price controls that many economists say cause the problem.
“Instead of attacking the structural causes that create these problems, they are attacking the consequences,” Mr. Álvarez, the former minister under Mr. Chávez, said of Mr. Maduro’s government.“Instead of attacking the structural causes that create these problems, they are attacking the consequences,” Mr. Álvarez, the former minister under Mr. Chávez, said of Mr. Maduro’s government.
Mr. Maduro has shown a talent for juggling internal pressures and factions within the movement left behind by Mr. Chávez, sidelining some rivals and accommodating others.Mr. Maduro has shown a talent for juggling internal pressures and factions within the movement left behind by Mr. Chávez, sidelining some rivals and accommodating others.
He pushed Jorge Giordani, a close adviser to Mr. Chávez, out of government and then suppressed a mini-revolt by Mr. Giordani’s supporters in his party’s left wing. And he has marginalized Rafael Ramírez, the powerful former head of the government oil company, PDVSA, removing him from that post and other crucial positions before finally packing him off as ambassador to the United Nations.He pushed Jorge Giordani, a close adviser to Mr. Chávez, out of government and then suppressed a mini-revolt by Mr. Giordani’s supporters in his party’s left wing. And he has marginalized Rafael Ramírez, the powerful former head of the government oil company, PDVSA, removing him from that post and other crucial positions before finally packing him off as ambassador to the United Nations.
But Diosdado Cabello, the president of the National Assembly and a former military officer, is considered Mr. Maduro’s main rival for power and also the government figure with the greatest influence within the armed forces.But Diosdado Cabello, the president of the National Assembly and a former military officer, is considered Mr. Maduro’s main rival for power and also the government figure with the greatest influence within the armed forces.
All that has led to a kind of Kremlinology here, with observers speculating on who is behind government actions and whether Mr. Maduro is fully in control.All that has led to a kind of Kremlinology here, with observers speculating on who is behind government actions and whether Mr. Maduro is fully in control.
“There is a lot of internal division. Does Diosdado have more power than Maduro, does someone else?” said Daniel Cuevas, a government worker who voted for Mr. Maduro but is unhappy with the country’s direction. “In the end, that hurts the people.”“There is a lot of internal division. Does Diosdado have more power than Maduro, does someone else?” said Daniel Cuevas, a government worker who voted for Mr. Maduro but is unhappy with the country’s direction. “In the end, that hurts the people.”
Despite his tough talk, Mr. Maduro has also earned a reputation for Hamlet-like indecisiveness. He has spoken for over a year about raising gasoline prices, the world’s lowest, but has taken no action. A long-promised foreign exchange reform last month turned out to be a tweak.Despite his tough talk, Mr. Maduro has also earned a reputation for Hamlet-like indecisiveness. He has spoken for over a year about raising gasoline prices, the world’s lowest, but has taken no action. A long-promised foreign exchange reform last month turned out to be a tweak.
“He is an enigma for Venezuelans,” said Mr. Barrera, the columnist, pointing to the mystery around Mr. Maduro’s residence as a metaphor for his presidency.“He is an enigma for Venezuelans,” said Mr. Barrera, the columnist, pointing to the mystery around Mr. Maduro’s residence as a metaphor for his presidency.
The official presidential mansion, known as La Casona, is still occupied by one of Mr. Chávez’s daughters, Rosa Virginia, and her husband, Vice President Jorge Arreaza. Mr. Maduro has said the house is for the use of the late president’s family, for their protection.The official presidential mansion, known as La Casona, is still occupied by one of Mr. Chávez’s daughters, Rosa Virginia, and her husband, Vice President Jorge Arreaza. Mr. Maduro has said the house is for the use of the late president’s family, for their protection.
“He hasn’t even moved into the house that corresponds to him” as president, Mr. Barrera said. “He says that he is going to stand up to the gringos, but he hasn’t even been able to stand up to Chávez’s daughter so that he can occupy the presidential mansion.”“He hasn’t even moved into the house that corresponds to him” as president, Mr. Barrera said. “He says that he is going to stand up to the gringos, but he hasn’t even been able to stand up to Chávez’s daughter so that he can occupy the presidential mansion.”
A government official, who spoke on the condition that he not be identified, said that Mr. Maduro lives in a residence inside a Caracas military base, Fort Tiuna.A government official, who spoke on the condition that he not be identified, said that Mr. Maduro lives in a residence inside a Caracas military base, Fort Tiuna.
Mr. Maduro spends many hours each week on television denouncing his enemies inside and outside the country, including opposition politicians and the United States, in the style of Mr. Chávez. Last month, he ordered the American Embassy to sharply cut its staff.Mr. Maduro spends many hours each week on television denouncing his enemies inside and outside the country, including opposition politicians and the United States, in the style of Mr. Chávez. Last month, he ordered the American Embassy to sharply cut its staff.
On the air, he describes himself as the victim of international machinations. The evidence he offers is often colorful but far from convincing to many Venezuelans, including many supporters. He rarely appears in public without his wife, Cilia Flores, a former legislator whom he calls the First Combatant.On the air, he describes himself as the victim of international machinations. The evidence he offers is often colorful but far from convincing to many Venezuelans, including many supporters. He rarely appears in public without his wife, Cilia Flores, a former legislator whom he calls the First Combatant.
At 52, his thick brush of hair and mustache often appear jet black, as if painted on, barely showing signs of gray. Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr. was quoted as commenting on Mr. Maduro’s lustrous hair when the two met recently in Brazil during President Dilma Rousseff’s inauguration, saying, “If I had your hair, I’d be president of the United States.”At 52, his thick brush of hair and mustache often appear jet black, as if painted on, barely showing signs of gray. Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr. was quoted as commenting on Mr. Maduro’s lustrous hair when the two met recently in Brazil during President Dilma Rousseff’s inauguration, saying, “If I had your hair, I’d be president of the United States.”
Recently, Mr. Maduro has focused on President Obama, sometimes pretending to speak directly to him during his speeches. He often describes Mr. Obama as a decent man unaware of the sinister forces in his government intent on attacking Venezuela.Recently, Mr. Maduro has focused on President Obama, sometimes pretending to speak directly to him during his speeches. He often describes Mr. Obama as a decent man unaware of the sinister forces in his government intent on attacking Venezuela.
But in a recent speech, Mr. Maduro sounded hurt that Mr. Obama had not returned the attention.But in a recent speech, Mr. Maduro sounded hurt that Mr. Obama had not returned the attention.
“I regret very much, Mr. Obama, that you have let yourself be led down a dead-end street,” he said. “I regret that in a year in which I made public appeals to you, I sent you a letter, I sent you emissaries, you have, in an arrogant way, refused to speak to me. I’m as much a president as you are.”“I regret very much, Mr. Obama, that you have let yourself be led down a dead-end street,” he said. “I regret that in a year in which I made public appeals to you, I sent you a letter, I sent you emissaries, you have, in an arrogant way, refused to speak to me. I’m as much a president as you are.”