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Even Loyalty No Guarantee Against Putin	Even Loyalty No Guarantee Against Putin
2014-12-27 02:05:05 UTC	2014-12-27 04:05:17 UTC (about 2 hours later)
MOSCOW — Vladimir P. Yevtushenkov, not long ago one of Russia’s richest men, walked free on Dec. 17 after 92 days under house arrest. He was held by prosecutors on charges of laundering money from the purchase of an oil company in 2009 — charges that President Vladimir V. Putin ultimately acknowledged could not be substantiated.	MOSCOW — Vladimir P. Yevtushenkov, not long ago one of Russia’s richest men, walked free on Dec. 17 after 92 days under house arrest. He was held by prosecutors on charges of laundering money from the purchase of an oil company in 2009 — charges that President Vladimir V. Putin ultimately acknowledged could not be substantiated.
By then, the legal case against him had stripped him of his shares of the oil company, Bashneft, and returned them to the property of the state. In a matter of months, his legal odyssey drained as much as 90 percent of Mr. Yevtushenkov’s fortune, leaving him scrambling to salvage what he could of companies and subsidiaries that trade on the London and New York stock exchanges.	By then, the legal case against him had stripped him of his shares of the oil company, Bashneft, and returned them to the property of the state. In a matter of months, his legal odyssey drained as much as 90 percent of Mr. Yevtushenkov’s fortune, leaving him scrambling to salvage what he could of companies and subsidiaries that trade on the London and New York stock exchanges.
The swift, unexpected and still largely unexplained expropriation of Bashneft is the latest case to highlight the darker corners of the political and economic system that Mr. Putin has developed during his 15 years as Russia’s paramount leader.	The swift, unexpected and still largely unexplained expropriation of Bashneft is the latest case to highlight the darker corners of the political and economic system that Mr. Putin has developed during his 15 years as Russia’s paramount leader.
Even as he has wielded the virtually unchallenged power of government and legal bureaucracy to reward a new class of oligarchs, friends and allies from his years in St. Petersburg, he has also used the same instruments to punish those whose political or economic interests fall afoul of the Kremlin’s. For each winner in Mr. Putin’s system, there are inevitably losers.	Even as he has wielded the virtually unchallenged power of government and legal bureaucracy to reward a new class of oligarchs, friends and allies from his years in St. Petersburg, he has also used the same instruments to punish those whose political or economic interests fall afoul of the Kremlin’s. For each winner in Mr. Putin’s system, there are inevitably losers.
Mr. Yevtushenkov has now joined a list that includes not only Putin critics like the exiled former oil executive Mikhail B. Khodorkovsky, who spent 10 years in prison before being freed by Mr. Putin, and Aleksei A. Navalny, the lawyer and businessman turned anticorruption crusader who, after final arguments in the latest criminal case against him, now faces the prospect of a similarly lengthy term behind bars. They also include others who, like Mr. Yevtushenkov, once expected that outward loyalty and close ties to the Kremlin afforded them a measure of protection.	Mr. Yevtushenkov has now joined a list that includes not only Putin critics like the exiled former oil executive Mikhail B. Khodorkovsky, who spent 10 years in prison before being freed by Mr. Putin, and Aleksei A. Navalny, the lawyer and businessman turned anticorruption crusader who, after final arguments in the latest criminal case against him, now faces the prospect of a similarly lengthy term behind bars. They also include others who, like Mr. Yevtushenkov, once expected that outward loyalty and close ties to the Kremlin afforded them a measure of protection.
A prominent businessman who knows Mr. ~~Yevtushenko~~ said that Mr. Putin had eroded the very notion of property rights in Russia, even for those who displayed fealty. He said that Mr. Putin himself had described private ownership of strategic industries with the Russian word to roost. “A chicken can exercise ownership of eggs, and it can get fed while it’s sitting on the egg,” he said, “but it’s not really their egg.”	A prominent businessman who knows Mr. Yevtushenkov said that Mr. Putin had eroded the very notion of property rights in Russia, even for those who displayed fealty. He said that Mr. Putin himself had described private ownership of strategic industries with the Russian word to roost. “A chicken can exercise ownership of eggs, and it can get fed while it’s sitting on the egg,” he said, “but it’s not really their egg.”
The case against Mr. Yevtushenkov and the oil company unfolded in the wake of the international furor over Russia’s annexation of Crimea in March. It continued despite the economic turmoil that has hit the country following the imposition of sanctions by the United States and its Western allies and the drop in the price of oil. According to analysts, investors, businessmen and employees of Mr. Yevtushenkov’s holding company, Sistema, the seizure of Bashneft was both a reaction to the economic tumult and a factor in worsening it.	The case against Mr. Yevtushenkov and the oil company unfolded in the wake of the international furor over Russia’s annexation of Crimea in March. It continued despite the economic turmoil that has hit the country following the imposition of sanctions by the United States and its Western allies and the drop in the price of oil. According to analysts, investors, businessmen and employees of Mr. Yevtushenkov’s holding company, Sistema, the seizure of Bashneft was both a reaction to the economic tumult and a factor in worsening it.
They said that Bashneft fell victim to the rapacious ambitions of the state oil company, Rosneft, which is controlled by one of Mr. Putin’s oldest and closest aides, Igor I. Sechin. Mr. Sechin was instrumental in the legal assault against Mr. Khodorkovsky that began in 2003 and ended with Rosneft’s acquisition of the tycoon’s oil company, Yukos, and Mr. Khodorkovsky’s conviction on fraud and embezzlement charges in what were widely denounced as show trials.	They said that Bashneft fell victim to the rapacious ambitions of the state oil company, Rosneft, which is controlled by one of Mr. Putin’s oldest and closest aides, Igor I. Sechin. Mr. Sechin was instrumental in the legal assault against Mr. Khodorkovsky that began in 2003 and ended with Rosneft’s acquisition of the tycoon’s oil company, Yukos, and Mr. Khodorkovsky’s conviction on fraud and embezzlement charges in what were widely denounced as show trials.
Others attributed the case to an internal power struggle among Mr. Putin’s circle of advisers, while still others pointed to Mr. Yevtushenkov’s activities in Ukraine after the ouster of the president, Viktor F. Yanukovych. Mr. Yevtushenkov’s legal troubles served as an ominous warning to the country’s businessmen to remain loyal and pliant in what appears to be a new era of sanctions and economic hardship.	Others attributed the case to an internal power struggle among Mr. Putin’s circle of advisers, while still others pointed to Mr. Yevtushenkov’s activities in Ukraine after the ouster of the president, Viktor F. Yanukovych. Mr. Yevtushenkov’s legal troubles served as an ominous warning to the country’s businessmen to remain loyal and pliant in what appears to be a new era of sanctions and economic hardship.
“It was definitely meant to be that public — to do it like that,” said Aleksandr Y. Lebedev, a banker and media mogul, referring to Mr. ~~Yevtushenko’s~~ arrest in September. Mr. Lebedev faced a similar legal assault in 2012 that forced him to sell off a number of assets, including a minority share in the state airline, Aeroflot.	“It was definitely meant to be that public — to do it like that,” said Aleksandr Y. Lebedev, a banker and media mogul, referring to Mr. Yevtushenkov’s arrest in September. Mr. Lebedev faced a similar legal assault in 2012 that forced him to sell off a number of assets, including a minority share in the state airline, Aeroflot.
“The people in the Kremlin certainly would understand that it was going to hurt the stock market; that it’s going to add to the whole economic situation; that it was going to frighten the business community,” Mr. Lebedev said. They went ahead anyway, he added, because they wanted to deliver a message: “Behave yourself.”	“The people in the Kremlin certainly would understand that it was going to hurt the stock market; that it’s going to add to the whole economic situation; that it was going to frighten the business community,” Mr. Lebedev said. They went ahead anyway, he added, because they wanted to deliver a message: “Behave yourself.”
The State Trumps Capitalism	The State Trumps Capitalism
The history of Bashneft since the collapse of the Soviet Union has reflected the uncertain and ultimately incomplete transition to a market economy, and its demise punctuated the steady accretion of state control in strategic industries that has become the most prominent feature of Mr. Putin’s rule.	The history of Bashneft since the collapse of the Soviet Union has reflected the uncertain and ultimately incomplete transition to a market economy, and its demise punctuated the steady accretion of state control in strategic industries that has become the most prominent feature of Mr. Putin’s rule.
Once part of the Soviet oil ministry, the company and its oil fields were transferred by the government of President Boris N. Yeltsin to the regional government where they were located in the Republic of Bashkortostan, an ethnically diverse region between the Volga River and the Urals. Mr. Yeltsin famously urged Russia’s regions and republics to “swallow” as much autonomy as they could.	Once part of the Soviet oil ministry, the company and its oil fields were transferred by the government of President Boris N. Yeltsin to the regional government where they were located in the Republic of Bashkortostan, an ethnically diverse region between the Volga River and the Urals. Mr. Yeltsin famously urged Russia’s regions and republics to “swallow” as much autonomy as they could.
Mr. Putin, though, has steadily eroded the independent authority of the regions. Bashkortostan was ruled as a fief by Murtaza G. Rakhimov, a powerful political ally of Mr. Yeltsin’s whose relations with Mr. Putin would become increasingly strained. In 2002 and 2003, Mr. Rakhimov’s government privatized Bashneft, with most of its shares ending up in the hands of a company called Bashkir Capital, which Russian prosecutors said was controlled by Mr. Rakhimov’s son, Ural.	Mr. Putin, though, has steadily eroded the independent authority of the regions. Bashkortostan was ruled as a fief by Murtaza G. Rakhimov, a powerful political ally of Mr. Yeltsin’s whose relations with Mr. Putin would become increasingly strained. In 2002 and 2003, Mr. Rakhimov’s government privatized Bashneft, with most of its shares ending up in the hands of a company called Bashkir Capital, which Russian prosecutors said was controlled by Mr. Rakhimov’s son, Ural.
“It was privatized outside the law,” said Mr. Navalny, whose Fund for the Fight Against Corruption has regularly highlighted shady transfers of property and wealth through government auctions and contracts. Even Russia’s auditing chamber criticized the sale, but with the evident blessing of the Kremlin, the deal was upheld in court — until investigators, with no explanation, revisited the deal in April.	“It was privatized outside the law,” said Mr. Navalny, whose Fund for the Fight Against Corruption has regularly highlighted shady transfers of property and wealth through government auctions and contracts. Even Russia’s auditing chamber criticized the sale, but with the evident blessing of the Kremlin, the deal was upheld in court — until investigators, with no explanation, revisited the deal in April.
Mr. Yevtushenkov became involved in 2005 when his company acquired $600 million in shares in the newly privatized Bashneft; in 2009, he acquired a controlling share for another $2 billion, something that could not have happened, executives and analysts here said, without the tacit approval of the president at the time, Dmitri A. Medvedev, and the paramount leader, Mr. Putin, who was then prime minister.	Mr. Yevtushenkov became involved in 2005 when his company acquired $600 million in shares in the newly privatized Bashneft; in 2009, he acquired a controlling share for another $2 billion, something that could not have happened, executives and analysts here said, without the tacit approval of the president at the time, Dmitri A. Medvedev, and the paramount leader, Mr. Putin, who was then prime minister.
Mr. Yevtushenkov, once a functionary in the office of Moscow’s powerful former mayor, Yuri M. Luzhkov, founded Sistema in 1993 and built a business empire that included the telecommunications giant MTS, as well as real estate, media and retail investments. By the time of his arrest the company was worth as estimated $15 billion.	Mr. Yevtushenkov, once a functionary in the office of Moscow’s powerful former mayor, Yuri M. Luzhkov, founded Sistema in 1993 and built a business empire that included the telecommunications giant MTS, as well as real estate, media and retail investments. By the time of his arrest the company was worth an estimated $15 billion.
Despite his political ties to Mr. Luzhkov, whom Mr. Medvedev dismissed in 2010 after an internal power struggle, Mr. Yevtushenkov nurtured close ties with the Kremlin. He never spoke out in a way that would attract its ire. “He’s a very commercially minded kind of person,” Mr. Lebedev said, “but he’s also by the book.”	Despite his political ties to Mr. Luzhkov, whom Mr. Medvedev dismissed in 2010 after an internal power struggle, Mr. Yevtushenkov nurtured close ties with the Kremlin. He never spoke out in a way that would attract its ire. “He’s a very commercially minded kind of person,” Mr. Lebedev said, “but he’s also by the book.”
Under Sistema’s ownership, production at Bashneft increased at a time when Rosneft struggled, despite a major expansion that included the takeover of another oil company, TNK-BP, for $55 billion. Since the annexation of Crimea, the company has come under the sanctions imposed by the United States, the European Union and other countries.	Under Sistema’s ownership, production at Bashneft increased at a time when Rosneft struggled, despite a major expansion that included the takeover of another oil company, TNK-BP, for $55 billion. Since the annexation of Crimea, the company has come under the sanctions imposed by the United States, the European Union and other countries.
Two people who work for Mr. Yevtushenkov, who would speak only on the condition of anonymity, said they believed that Mr. Sechin personally was behind the takeover of Bashneft, pressing Mr. Putin to revisit the circumstances of the privatization as a pretense in hopes of increasing Rosneft’s production and cash flow.	Two people who work for Mr. Yevtushenkov, who would speak only on the condition of anonymity, said they believed that Mr. Sechin personally was behind the takeover of Bashneft, pressing Mr. Putin to revisit the circumstances of the privatization as a pretense in hopes of increasing Rosneft’s production and cash flow.
Rosneft had approached Mr. Yevtushenkov last year about the possibility of a merger or sale, according to news reports at the time, but Mr. Yevtushenkov resisted, and instead prepared a public offering of the company’s shares in London.	Rosneft had approached Mr. Yevtushenkov last year about the possibility of a merger or sale, according to news reports at the time, but Mr. Yevtushenkov resisted, and instead prepared a public offering of the company’s shares in London.
The deterioration of relations with the West in the wake of the war in Ukraine appeared to make the sale of Bashneft’s stocks abroad increasingly worrisome to the Kremlin. In the weeks that followed the annexation of Crimea in March, the powerful Investigative Committee — an investigative body often seen as pursuing political cases at the Kremlin’s behest — quietly began a civil and criminal inquiry into Bashneft that exploded into public only in July.	The deterioration of relations with the West in the wake of the war in Ukraine appeared to make the sale of Bashneft’s stocks abroad increasingly worrisome to the Kremlin. In the weeks that followed the annexation of Crimea in March, the powerful Investigative Committee — an investigative body often seen as pursuing political cases at the Kremlin’s behest — quietly began a civil and criminal inquiry into Bashneft that exploded into public only in July.
Tellingly, in his annual news conference at the Kremlin on Dec. 19, Mr. Putin said that the case against Bashneft had nothing to do with the privatization of the company in the 2000s, but rather with the original transfer of the company from federal to regional authorities in the early 1990s. That raised the question of why Mr. Yevtushenkov had been arrested at all, since he was not involved until much later, and the company has argued it was a good-faith buyer of Bashneft.	Tellingly, in his annual news conference at the Kremlin on Dec. 19, Mr. Putin said that the case against Bashneft had nothing to do with the privatization of the company in the 2000s, but rather with the original transfer of the company from federal to regional authorities in the early 1990s. That raised the question of why Mr. Yevtushenkov had been arrested at all, since he was not involved until much later, and the company has argued it was a good-faith buyer of Bashneft.
Mr. Putin maintained that the Kremlin had no intention of reversing the notoriously murky privatizations of the past, but the result was the same anyway. Sergei V. Pugachev, a self-exiled banker who is now fighting Russia’s attempts to freeze his assets, said the case highlighted Mr. Putin’s longstanding strategy to subdue businessmen who would work independently of the Kremlin.	Mr. Putin maintained that the Kremlin had no intention of reversing the notoriously murky privatizations of the past, but the result was the same anyway. Sergei V. Pugachev, a self-exiled banker who is now fighting Russia’s attempts to freeze his assets, said the case highlighted Mr. Putin’s longstanding strategy to subdue businessmen who would work independently of the Kremlin.
“He saw that there are people who have big businesses, companies and other assets,” Mr. Pugachev said, referring to Mr. Putin’s rise to power in 2000. “And from that moment on he felt himself a part of that system, and his goal became to get on top of that system. And that means he has to control everything.”	“He saw that there are people who have big businesses, companies and other assets,” Mr. Pugachev said, referring to Mr. Putin’s rise to power in 2000. “And from that moment on he felt himself a part of that system, and his goal became to get on top of that system. And that means he has to control everything.”
What happened next followed a pattern that has become familiar. As happened in the case of Mr. Lebedev and Mr. Pugachev, a legal assault began from multiple directions, like a swarm unleashed by an informal signal from Mr. Putin. “Putin gives an order,” Mr. Navalny said, “maybe ‘act according to the law.’ And the words ‘act according to the law’ means do whatever you want in the legal system.”	What happened next followed a pattern that has become familiar. As happened in the case of Mr. Lebedev and Mr. Pugachev, a legal assault began from multiple directions, like a swarm unleashed by an informal signal from Mr. Putin. “Putin gives an order,” Mr. Navalny said, “maybe ‘act according to the law.’ And the words ‘act according to the law’ means do whatever you want in the legal system.”
On July 15, investigators arrested a prominent Armenian businessman and philanthropist, Levon Airapetyan, as he landed at Moscow’s Domodedovo airport after arriving from France, accusing him of acting as a middleman in the sale of Bashneft, along with its former chief executive, Ural Rakhimov. The same day, a court ordered a freeze on Bashneft’s shares. Mr. Yevtushenkov was summoned for questioning a week later.	On July 15, investigators arrested a prominent Armenian businessman and philanthropist, Levon Airapetyan, as he landed at Moscow’s Domodedovo airport after arriving from France, accusing him of acting as a middleman in the sale of Bashneft, along with its former chief executive, Ural Rakhimov. The same day, a court ordered a freeze on Bashneft’s shares. Mr. Yevtushenkov was summoned for questioning a week later.
Mr. Yevtushenkov appeared to presage his fate only days before the legal assault to capture Bashneft began in July. In an interview with the Russian edition of Forbes, he described the complex, informal and maddeningly opaque rules that govern business in the former republics of the Soviet Union, including Russia, especially when investing in crucial sectors like energy.	Mr. Yevtushenkov appeared to presage his fate only days before the legal assault to capture Bashneft began in July. In an interview with the Russian edition of Forbes, he described the complex, informal and maddeningly opaque rules that govern business in the former republics of the Soviet Union, including Russia, especially when investing in crucial sectors like energy.
“Any government will always find a way to put you in your place, no matter how strong you are in the international arena, no matter what business you may have there,” he said, describing transitional market economies that ~~would~~ he said would take a generation to break free from state control. “And if suddenly it turns out that you declared one thing but did something else, then the punishment, directly or indirectly, will come soon enough.”	“Any government will always find a way to put you in your place, no matter how strong you are in the international arena, no matter what business you may have there,” he said, describing transitional market economies that he said would take a generation to break free from state control. “And if suddenly it turns out that you declared one thing but did something else, then the punishment, directly or indirectly, will come soon enough.”
Mysterious Legal Assault	Mysterious Legal Assault
According to Mr. Pugachev, Mr. Yevtushenkov himself did not understand what he had done, if anything, to trigger the legal assault. He said they met in his London office only two weeks before Mr. Yevtushenkov was placed under house arrest on Sept. 17.	According to Mr. Pugachev, Mr. Yevtushenkov himself did not understand what he had done, if anything, to trigger the legal assault. He said they met in his London office only two weeks before Mr. Yevtushenkov was placed under house arrest on Sept. 17.
Mr. Pugachev was once close enough to the corridors of power that he was known as the “Kremlin’s banker,” but is now a fugitive from Russian justice. He once controlled a banking, real estate and shipbuilding empire, until the global financial crisis in 2008 and 2009 ~~lead~~ to a flurry of difficulties with the government and accusations of fraud and embezzlement. A bank he founded, Mezhprombank, foundered under a crushing debt, some of which came from a bailout approved by the Central Bank in response to the crisis.	Mr. Pugachev was once close enough to the corridors of power that he was known as the “Kremlin’s banker,” but is now a fugitive from Russian justice. He once controlled a banking, real estate and shipbuilding empire, until the global financial crisis in 2008 and 2009 led to a flurry of difficulties with the government and accusations of fraud and embezzlement. A bank he founded, Mezhprombank, foundered under a crushing debt, some of which came from a bailout approved by the Central Bank in response to the crisis.
At the same time, the Kremlin suspended construction of a luxury hotel that he had overseen at a historic site on Red Square opposite the Kremlin known as the Middle Trading Rows. Mr. Putin had once been so involved in the construction, Mr. Pugachev said, that he offered advice on the hotel’s designs and the hiring of the hotel’s managing company. With the project only a year from completion, however, the presidential security service objected to the proximity of a hotel to the heavily guarded seat of power.	At the same time, the Kremlin suspended construction of a luxury hotel that he had overseen at a historic site on Red Square opposite the Kremlin known as the Middle Trading Rows. Mr. Putin had once been so involved in the construction, Mr. Pugachev said, that he offered advice on the hotel’s designs and the hiring of the hotel’s managing company. With the project only a year from completion, however, the presidential security service objected to the proximity of a hotel to the heavily guarded seat of power.
Although Mr. Putin, then the prime minister, repeatedly promised that the government would compensate Mr. Pugachev for costs exceeding $1 billion, negotiations bogged down and he was never paid, he said.	Although Mr. Putin, then the prime minister, repeatedly promised that the government would compensate Mr. Pugachev for costs exceeding $1 billion, negotiations bogged down and he was never paid, he said.
When Mezhprombank collapsed in 2010, the government accused Mr. Pugachev of bankrupting the bank, though Mr. Pugachev claimed that the bank’s legal troubles were used as a pretext to seize two shipyards he owned in St. Petersburg and offered as collateral for the Central Bank loans.	When Mezhprombank collapsed in 2010, the government accused Mr. Pugachev of bankrupting the bank, though Mr. Pugachev claimed that the bank’s legal troubles were used as a pretext to seize two shipyards he owned in St. Petersburg and offered as collateral for the Central Bank loans.
Mr. Putin, he said, had urged him to sell the shipyards — which built, among other things, a nuclear-powered icebreaker at the center of Russia’s ambitions to exploit the Arctic’s natural resources — to the state company United Shipbuilding Corporation. At the time, the corporation was headed by ~~Igor~~ I. Sechin, who also served as a deputy prime minister.	Mr. Putin, he said, had urged him to sell the shipyards — which built, among other things, a nuclear-powered icebreaker at the center of Russia’s ambitions to exploit the Arctic’s natural resources — to the state company United Shipbuilding Corporation. At the time, the corporation was headed by Mr. Sechin, who also served as a deputy prime minister.
Mr. Pugachev said he began negotiations and had the two shipyards valued at $3.5 billion, but it became clear that he had lost the protection he once felt his relationship with Mr. Putin provided. With his financial empire crumbling, he made one last appeal. “Listen, I’ve done everything I can for you,” he recalled Mr. Putin telling him. “Good luck.” After a series of court appeals by the Central Bank, the two shipyards were sold in 2012 for less than $500 million, far below their estimated value. He said that he warned Mr. Yevtushenkov that he should not return to Moscow, citing his own troubled exile.	Mr. Pugachev said he began negotiations and had the two shipyards valued at $3.5 billion, but it became clear that he had lost the protection he once felt his relationship with Mr. Putin provided. With his financial empire crumbling, he made one last appeal. “Listen, I’ve done everything I can for you,” he recalled Mr. Putin telling him. “Good luck.” After a series of court appeals by the Central Bank, the two shipyards were sold in 2012 for less than $500 million, far below their estimated value. He said that he warned Mr. Yevtushenkov that he should not return to Moscow, citing his own troubled exile.