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In U.S.-Cuba Embrace, Rusty Gears of Cold War Diplomacy Finally Move In U.S.-Cuba Embrace, Rusty Gears of Cold War Diplomacy Finally Move
(about 5 hours later)
Alan Gross was the obstacle that would not be moved — the American contractor whose imprisonment in Cuba kept relations between the United States and Cuba locked in place, as paralyzed as a seized transmission. Alan Gross was the obstacle that would not be moved: the American contractor whose imprisonment kept relations between the United States and Cuba locked in place, as paralyzed as a seized transmission.
Now, in both Washington and Havana, the obstacle has been removed as the rusty gears of Cold War diplomacy have begun to move. Now, in both Washington and Havana, the obstacle has been removed, and the rusty gears of Cold War diplomacy have begun to move.
Mr. Gross’s release on Wednesday, in conjunction with the release of three convicted Cuban spies held in the United States, amounts to a collective break from more than 50 years of distrust, anger and inertia. Though both President Obama and Raúl Castro, the president of Cuba, will find their own ways to describe what they have done, it is clear that they have both taken a chance on pursuing a path of reconciliation. Mr. Gross’s release on Wednesday, along with the release of another person held in Cuba and three convicted Cuban spies held in the United States, amounts to a collective break from more than 50 years of distrust, anger and inertia. Though President Obama and Raúl Castro, the president of Cuba, will find their own ways to describe what they have done, it is clear that they have both taken a chance on pursuing reconciliation.
The prisoners held by each country have been a central complaint of those in Washington and Havana who favored the status quo between the two nations. But Mr. Obama and Mr. Castro have now gone against the hard-liners in their midst by engaging in a simultaneous release of prisoners who have been used and reused, over and over, by critics who have long known — and favored — distance and enmity. The prisoners held by each country have been a central complaint raised by hard-liners in both Washington and Havana who favored the status quo. But Mr. Obama and Mr. Castro have now gone against the hard-liners, engaging in a simultaneous release of prisoners who have been used and reused, over and over, by critics who have long known — and favored — distance and enmity.
Both leaders now have victories to point to — and concessions that they will have to explain. But the steps they have taken so far, and the broader policy changes the White House announced on Wednesday, have the potential to transform relations between the United States and Cuba, perhaps in ways not seen since a rebel named Fidel came down from the Cuban mountains. Both leaders now have victories to trumpet and concessions that they will have to explain. But the steps they have taken so far, and the broader policy changes the White House announced on Wednesday, have the potential to transform relations between the United States and Cuba, perhaps in ways not seen since a rebel named Fidel came down from the Cuban mountains.
“What this set of measures can do is to overcome well over 50 years of unproductive and unfortunate hostility between us and Cuba, which has worked to the detriment of both countries,” said Eric Hershberg, director of the American University Center for Latin American and Latino Studies, who is in Havana for a conference.“What this set of measures can do is to overcome well over 50 years of unproductive and unfortunate hostility between us and Cuba, which has worked to the detriment of both countries,” said Eric Hershberg, director of the American University Center for Latin American and Latino Studies, who is in Havana for a conference.
It will not be easy, though. The practical policy possibilities open to Mr. Obama are still relatively limited. Lawyers interpreting the president’s executive powers quite broadly have argued that he cannot just lift the trade embargo against Cuba, but can rather work around the edges. It will not be easy. The practical policy options open to Mr. Obama are relatively limited. Even lawyers who interpret the president’s executive powers quite broadly say he cannot just lift the trade embargo against Cuba. But he can work around the edges, and that is what he promised on Wednesday.
The changes that Mr. Obama is announcing include: increasing the amount Americans can send to Cuba, to $2,000 each quarter, up from $500; significantly expanding the reasons under which Americans can travel to Cuba, including any travel in “support for the Cuban people”; and allowing goods and supplies to be sold to Cubans to help spur and expand the growing number of small and medium-sized private businesses there. The changes Mr. Obama is announcing include allowing Americans to send up to $2,000 to Cuba each quarter, four times the current ceiling of $500; allowing Americans to travel to Cuba for a wider range of reasons, including travel in “support for the Cuban people”; and allowing goods and supplies to be sold directly to Cubans from America, to help spur and expand the growing number of small and medium-size private businesses on the island.
Mr. Obama has also announced an expansion of information technology sales to Cuba, with the stated aim of helping the Cuban people “communicate freely.” Mr. Obama also said he would allow expanded sales of information technology to Cuba, with the aim of helping the Cuban people “communicate freely.”
Cuba, in turn, will be under intense pressure to allow more freedom of expression, release domestic dissenters from prison, and open access to information and technology — one of the major demands of young Cubans on the island. In their eyes, if Cuba and the United States are talking again and no longer just enemies, then the Cuban government’s logic of limiting information to protect against American intrusion begins to break down. In turn, Cuba will be pressed to allow more freedom of expression, release domestic dissenters from prison and open up access to information and technology — one of the major demands of young Cubans on the island. In their eyes, if Cuba and the United States are talking again and no longer just enemies, then the Cuban government’s logic of limiting information to protect against American intrusion begins to break down.
These old habits and cultures, of course, will not be easy to update. The lens through which Cuba has always seen the United States is sovereignty. Cubans are raised to be proud of the country’s ability to thumb its nose at the United States, and the island’s history is filled with examples of Cuban heroes fighting to throw off the yoke of foreign powers, starting with Spain, followed by the Yanquis or the United States. Old habits and cultures will not be easy to update. Cuba has seen the United States for decades through the lens of sovereignty. Cubans are raised to be proud of the country’s ability to thumb its nose at the United States, and the island’s history is filled with examples of Cuban heroes fighting to throw off the yoke of foreign powers, starting with Spain, followed by the “Yanquis.”
One important move that could help reset the relationship, according to those who favor warmer relations, involves the United States’ removing Cuba from the list of state sponsors of terrorism. One important way Washington could help reset the relationship would be removing Cuba from the American list of state sponsors of terrorism. President Obama said he had instructed Secretary of State John Kerry to begin that process.
But regardless of what follows, the next few months and years of discussion between Cuban and American officials will be an effort to work around these third rails of past conflicts. Releasing Mr. Gross and the Cuban prisoners allows for access, for discussion, for diplomatic therapy as a precursor for improving relations. But navigating through the old slights and new challenges will require a deftness that no leader from either country has managed to exhibit in decades of confused, intense relations. In the coming months and years of discussions between Cuban and American officials over the issues that divide them, they will have to work around these and other third rails of past conflicts. Releasing Mr. Gross and the other prisoners allows for access, for discussion, for diplomatic therapy as a precursor for improving relations. But navigating through the old slights and new challenges will require a deftness that no leader from either country has managed to exhibit in decades of confused, intense relations.