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Al-Sweady inquiry: UK troops mistreated Iraqis but did not murder them Al-Sweady inquiry: UK troops mistreated Iraqis but did not murder them
(about 4 hours later)
Allegations that British troops murdered and mutilated Iraqi insurgents after a fierce battle have been dismissed by an official inquiry as “wholly without foundation and entirely the product of deliberate lies, reckless speculation and ingrained hostility”. Allegations that British troops murdered Iraqi insurgents and mutilated their bodies after a fierce battle have been dismissed by an official inquiry as “wholly without foundation and entirely the product of deliberate lies, reckless speculation and ingrained hostility”.
However, the al-Sweady inquiry – named after an Iraqi teenager killed in the battle – found that soldiers were guilty of mistreating detainees, including depriving them of food and sleep, blindfolding them – in breach of Ministry of Defence rules, and threatening them – in breach of the Geneva convention.However, the al-Sweady inquiry – named after an Iraqi teenager killed in the battle – found that soldiers were guilty of mistreating detainees, including depriving them of food and sleep, blindfolding them – in breach of Ministry of Defence rules, and threatening them – in breach of the Geneva convention.
At the end of a report of more than 1,300 pages, Sir Thayne Forbes, a former high court judge, concludes that the most serious allegations made against the soldiers – were “wholly and entirely without merit or justification”. At the end of his 1,350-page report, Sir Thayne Forbes, a former high court judge, concludes that the most serious allegations made against the soldiers were “wholly and entirely without merit or justification”.
The year-long public inquiry, which has cost more than £24m, was set up in 2009 after the high court criticised the MoD for not conducting its own investigation into the battle of Danny Boy, named after a British checkpoint near Majar al-Kabir, north of Basra, on 14 May 2004. In a Commons statement, Michael Fallon, the defence secretary, described the most serious allegations as “shameful and despicable”, and criticised Phil Shiner, the Iraqis’ lawyer, for making claims that turned out to be baseless, and for not withdrawing the claim that British soldiers had murdered insurgents inside their base camp until near the end of the year-long public inquiry.
In what Forbes calls a “deadly, planned, and coordinated armed ambush of British troops”, 28 Iraqis were killed. The bodies of 20 dead Iraqis and nine captured insurgents were brought to Camp Abu Naji, to see if the captured or dead Iraqis included the ringleader of the massacre of six British military police nearby a year earlier. He challenged Shiner, of Public Interest Lawyers, to issue an “unequivocal apology” to the soldiers and to British taxpayers. Had Shiner withdrawn the allegations earlier, Fallon said, he would not have received legal aid for the judicial review which led to the Forbes inquiry, Iraqi families would have been spared six years of false hope, British soldiers six years of anxiety, and taxpayers six years expense.
The soldiers who handled the dead bodies found the task “extremely distressing and upsetting and one that had a profound and lasting effect on them”, says the report. It also left the soldiers “very exposed to allegations that Iraqi men had been murdered, tortured and mutilated” at the British camp. Fallon told MPs that Public Interest Lawyers and Leigh Day law firm, which also represented some of the Iraqi detainees, were the subject of an inquiry by the solicitors’ professional body over a possible breach of professional standards.
In addition, it provided momentum for “the rumours and allegations”, says Forbes. Investigations into hundreds of further allegations of abuse by British troops in Iraq have yet to be completed, and earlier this year the international criminal court at The Hague announced that it would mount a preliminary examination of those claims, and the way in which they have previously been examined by an inquiry that is managed by the Ministry of Defence.
His report contains numerous examples of ill-treatment by British soldiers, including “tactical questioning”, the practice of direct and indirect physical abuse, which was ostensibly banned in 1972 after criticism of its use in Northern Ireland, and again prohibited by an order of senior British officers following the death of Baha Mousa, a Basra hotel worker, in British custody in 2003. Clive Baldwin, senior legal adviser at Human Rights Watch, said: “If the MoD wants to avoid future inquiries it needs to ensure it has ended abuse in detention. Accepting independent inspection of its detention centres overseas will be a key to bringing this scourge of abuse in military custody to an end.”
Sleep deprivation was “wrong in principle and amounted to a form of ill treatment”, says Thorbes in one passage in his report. The inquiry, which has cost more than £24m, was set up in 2009 after the high court criticised the MoD for not conducting an effective investigation into the battle of Danny Boy, named after a British checkpoint near Majar al-Kabir, north of Basra, on 14 May 2004.
In a further passage, he says “a number of the detainees described how they had, in fact, felt greatly humiliated and demeaned by having to remove all their clothes and/or by having had them forcibly removed during processing … I have heard credible evidence from a number of sources that such an order would have ben particularly humiliating for an Iraqi Muslim man.” In what Forbes describes as a “deadly, planned and coordinated armed ambush of British troops”, 28 Iraqis were killed. Twenty of the bodies as well as those of nine captured insurgents were brought to a British base called Camp Abu Naji, to see if the captured or dead Iraqis included the ringleader of the massacre of six British military police nearby a year earlier.
The soldiers who handled the bodies found the task “extremely distressing and upsetting and one that had a profound and lasting effect on them”, according to the report. It also left the soldiers “very exposed to allegations that Iraqi men had been murdered, tortured and mutilated” at the British camp. In addition, it provided momentum for “the rumours and allegations”, Forbes says.
He also concluded: “The conduct of various individual soldiers and some of the procedures being followed by the British military in 2004 fell below the high standards normally to be expected of the British army. Aspects of the way in which the nine Iraqi detainees ... were treated by the British military, during the time they were in British custody during 2004, amounted to actual or possible mistreatment.”
His report contains numerous examples of ill-treatment by British soldiers during “tactical questioning”, including the practice of blindfolding, which was ostensibly banned in 1972 after criticism of its use in Northern Ireland, and again prohibited by an order of senior British officers after the death of Baha Mousa, a Basra hotel worker, in British custody in 2003. “The almost continuous deprivation of the detainees’ sight at Camp Abu Naji ... amounted to a form of mistreatment,” he concluded.
Forbes concludes: “It seems to me likely that a deliberate decision was taken, by those in charge of prisoner handling, not to give the detainees any food until their tactical questioning had been completed.” He added that “it was wholly inappropriate to prevent the detainees from sleeping” and that such a practice “was wrong in principle and amounted to a form of mistreatment.”
In a further passage, he says “a number of the detainees described how they had, in fact, felt greatly humiliated and demeaned by having to remove all their clothes and/or by having had them forcibly removed during processing … I have heard credible evidence from a number of sources that such an order would have been particularly humiliating for an Iraqi Muslim man.”
The inquiry was also critical of the medical neglect of some of the prisoners who had been wounded during the battle.The inquiry was also critical of the medical neglect of some of the prisoners who had been wounded during the battle.
A corporal who examined one Iraqi, who had a number of shrapnel wounds in his legs and a penetrating gunshot wound in his right foot, did not consider that he needed to be seen by a doctor.A corporal who examined one Iraqi, who had a number of shrapnel wounds in his legs and a penetrating gunshot wound in his right foot, did not consider that he needed to be seen by a doctor.
When this prisoner was moved to another detention centre the next day, he was examined by a regimental medical officer who failed to give him any pain relief, despite the obvious pain he was suffering. When this prisoner was moved to another detention centre the next day, he was examined by a regimental medical officer, Maj David Winfield, who was expected to decide whether detainees were “fit for detention and questioning”. Winfield accepted that there was no record that he had prescribed any pain relief, despite the man being obviously in pain.
Forbes, concluded that this officer, Major David Winfield, “was somewhat dismissive in his attitude to the welfare of the detainees … he showed very little sympathy for the detainees as patients.” Forbes concludes that Winfield had been “somewhat dismissive in his attitude to the welfare of the detainees … he showed very little sympathy for the detainees as patients”, and that he had been “going through the motions … rather than giving them the attention of a caring doctor”.
Winfield had been “going through the motions … rather than giving them the attention of a caring doctor”. Elsewhere in his report, he rejected, without explanation, the evidence of a soldier, Pte Eric Danquah, who said he had seen one of the detainees being beaten with a wooden baton while being transported to Camp Abu Naji in the rear of an armoured vehicle.
-- Forbes recommends that future military interrogations be videotaped; that all documents should be removed from any theatre of operations and stored securely for at least 30 years; that training material should be more carefully stored and date marked; and that a new policy, compliant with the European convention on human rights, be drafted for the investigation of incidents in which shots are fired.