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Left and right are empty terms to most voters today Left and right are empty terms to most voters today
(35 minutes later)
John Prescott, the much missed Simon Hoggart once joked, has had it up to here with the English language – although, happily, not with politics. He is a master of commentary on Twitter, and still ready to get up early for the Today programme, particularly when he has a chance to remind people, as he did yesterday, that he was way ahead of his time on English devolution.John Prescott, the much missed Simon Hoggart once joked, has had it up to here with the English language – although, happily, not with politics. He is a master of commentary on Twitter, and still ready to get up early for the Today programme, particularly when he has a chance to remind people, as he did yesterday, that he was way ahead of his time on English devolution.
Lord Prescott has roots that reach deep into the soul of the Labour movement. In the 1960s, he was a leading member of the seamen’s union, accused by Harold Wilson of being “a tightly knit group of politically motivated men” trying to bring down the Labour government. Wilson was one of the longish list of Labour leaders sometimes accused of betrayal of the movement; and the idea of Prescott as a wild man has never quite died.Lord Prescott has roots that reach deep into the soul of the Labour movement. In the 1960s, he was a leading member of the seamen’s union, accused by Harold Wilson of being “a tightly knit group of politically motivated men” trying to bring down the Labour government. Wilson was one of the longish list of Labour leaders sometimes accused of betrayal of the movement; and the idea of Prescott as a wild man has never quite died.
It was one reason why, 30 years later, as deputy prime minister, Prescott played such an important role in New Labour. He was the occasionally incoherent evidence that, however flashy the suntan, the party’s heart still beat on the left. And he remains the metaphorical guardian of the cloth cap, a man whose words carry an unquantifiable, and quite probably entirely spurious, authenticity.It was one reason why, 30 years later, as deputy prime minister, Prescott played such an important role in New Labour. He was the occasionally incoherent evidence that, however flashy the suntan, the party’s heart still beat on the left. And he remains the metaphorical guardian of the cloth cap, a man whose words carry an unquantifiable, and quite probably entirely spurious, authenticity.
The point of all this history is that it’s the context for the flurry of excitement provoked after Prescott, in his Today programme interview, called Ed Miliband, Red Ed. He was in full flow, and it was quite possibly a stumble. But it might also have been the kind of endorsement that the Labour leader, always at risk of being monstered for the way his election relied on union support, could do without. The point of all this history is that it’s the context for the flurry of excitement provoked after Prescott, in his Today programme interview, called Ed Miliband “Red Ed”. He was in full flow, and it was quite possibly a stumble. But it might also have been the kind of endorsement that the Labour leader, always at risk of being monstered for the way his election relied on union support, could do without.
Whatever he meant to say, two different opinion polls this week suggest there was no reason for the calm of the Miliband breakfast table to be disturbed. This morning, YouGov for the Times’s Red Box – paywalled, so you’ll have to take my word for it – finds that, on a scale measuring how left or how right a party and its leader is, measured from -100 to +100, Labour is at -38 and Ed Miliband at -36. Whatever he meant to say, two different opinion polls this week suggest there was no reason for the calm of the Miliband breakfast table to be disturbed. This morning, YouGov for the Times’s Red Box (paywalled, so you’ll have to take my word for it) finds that, on a scale measuring how left or how right a party and its leader is, measured from -100 to +100, Labour is at -38 and Ed Miliband at -36.
On the plus side of the centre, David Cameron is +46 and the Tories are at +50. So Labour is seen as more leftwing than Miliband, and the Conservatives as more rightwing than Cameron – but the Tories are significantly further from the centre than Labour is. And voters see themselves as slightly more left than right.On the plus side of the centre, David Cameron is +46 and the Tories are at +50. So Labour is seen as more leftwing than Miliband, and the Conservatives as more rightwing than Cameron – but the Tories are significantly further from the centre than Labour is. And voters see themselves as slightly more left than right.
At the weekend, a ComRes poll, for the Independent on Sunday, did a similar exercise, but on a simpler 0 – 10 scale, where 0 is very leftwing and 10 very rightwing. On that measure, Labour and Miliband hovered at just above 4, and Cameron and the Tories at just below 7. In this poll, voters placed themselves marginally to the right of centre. At the weekend, a ComRes poll, for the Independent on Sunday, did a similar exercise, but on a simpler 0-10 scale, where 0 is very leftwing and 10 very rightwing. On that measure, Labour and Miliband hovered at just above 4, and Cameron and the Tories at just below 7. In this poll, voters placed themselves marginally to the right of centre.
The point of all this is that whether or not Prescott really thinks Ed is Red doesn’t make the blindest bit of difference. What matters is that voters don’t think he is extreme at all; or, if he is, then he is not as extreme as David Cameron.The point of all this is that whether or not Prescott really thinks Ed is Red doesn’t make the blindest bit of difference. What matters is that voters don’t think he is extreme at all; or, if he is, then he is not as extreme as David Cameron.
What may appear more likely to matter is that to most voters both the biggest parties seem a distance away from where they are themselves. But as the Lib Dems, currently managing about 8% support in most polls, are seen as being closest to where most voters are, it might not matter much at all.What may appear more likely to matter is that to most voters both the biggest parties seem a distance away from where they are themselves. But as the Lib Dems, currently managing about 8% support in most polls, are seen as being closest to where most voters are, it might not matter much at all.
In fact, what these polls really show is an answer to a question that hasn’t been put.In fact, what these polls really show is an answer to a question that hasn’t been put.
Neither YouGov nor ComRes actually asked: does whether you think a party is left or right influence whether you will vote for it? But the answer looks pretty definite: no.Neither YouGov nor ComRes actually asked: does whether you think a party is left or right influence whether you will vote for it? But the answer looks pretty definite: no.
This is not the 20th century – let alone the 1960s, when Britain’s balance of payments depended on trade in manufactured goods, and a seamen’s strike put sterling in a spin and brought the country to its knees. For politics nowadays, left or right are almost meaningless terms.This is not the 20th century – let alone the 1960s, when Britain’s balance of payments depended on trade in manufactured goods, and a seamen’s strike put sterling in a spin and brought the country to its knees. For politics nowadays, left or right are almost meaningless terms.