This article is from the source 'guardian' and was first published or seen on . It last changed over 40 days ago and won't be checked again for changes.

You can find the current article at its original source at http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/dec/16/guardian-view-on-school-killings-in-pakistan

The article has changed 2 times. There is an RSS feed of changes available.

Version 0 Version 1
The Guardian view on the school killings in Pakistan The Guardian view on the school killings in Pakistan
(about 17 hours later)
There can be no worse or more barbaric stage in any conflict than when one side or the other deliberately kills the children of their enemies. The young students whose bloodied bodies, pathetically clad in their British-style school uniforms, were stretchered out of the army school in Peshawar on Tuesday, as their families stood by and wept, did not die as a result of “collateral damage”.There can be no worse or more barbaric stage in any conflict than when one side or the other deliberately kills the children of their enemies. The young students whose bloodied bodies, pathetically clad in their British-style school uniforms, were stretchered out of the army school in Peshawar on Tuesday, as their families stood by and wept, did not die as a result of “collateral damage”.
That dismal euphemism often covers the deaths of innocents. But at least such deaths are not willed. The Taliban militants who infiltrated the school went there with the express purpose of killing children. They were not in the city to attack military installations, police barracks, or even the officers whose children attended the school. They did not even have the scrap of an excuse which the attackers did in Beslan in 2004, that they were taking hostages in pursuit of supposedly just demands addressed to the Russian government. No, they went to Peshawar to kill kids, and they mowed them down until they themselves were mown down, or till the ammunition ran out and they escaped the scene of their crime by committing suicide.That dismal euphemism often covers the deaths of innocents. But at least such deaths are not willed. The Taliban militants who infiltrated the school went there with the express purpose of killing children. They were not in the city to attack military installations, police barracks, or even the officers whose children attended the school. They did not even have the scrap of an excuse which the attackers did in Beslan in 2004, that they were taking hostages in pursuit of supposedly just demands addressed to the Russian government. No, they went to Peshawar to kill kids, and they mowed them down until they themselves were mown down, or till the ammunition ran out and they escaped the scene of their crime by committing suicide.
The attack did not of course come out of nowhere. Since August the Pakistani army has been on the offensive in Waziristan, chopping away at the north-western badlands where the Taliban is strong, and in Karachi, where it has been trying to dislodge the Taliban from areas of the city which they control. The attack on the school was therefore an act of revenge, as well as an attempt to terrorise the Pakistani government and armed forces into calling off or moderating these campaigns.The attack did not of course come out of nowhere. Since August the Pakistani army has been on the offensive in Waziristan, chopping away at the north-western badlands where the Taliban is strong, and in Karachi, where it has been trying to dislodge the Taliban from areas of the city which they control. The attack on the school was therefore an act of revenge, as well as an attempt to terrorise the Pakistani government and armed forces into calling off or moderating these campaigns.
It is highly unlikely to have that effect. The national revulsion at the school killings will surely reinforce the marked hostility toward the Taliban and other Islamist extremists which Pakistani public opinion displays. It will also undermine the already much discredited idea that there is, at least at this stage, a diplomatic solution to the conflict. The politicians – notably the ex-cricketer Imran Khan – who have in the past urged that course will find it hard to return to that theme. Mr Khan has unequivocally condemned the attack and postponed a nationwide protest against the government of Nawaz Sharif that his party, the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf, was due to stage tomorrow. Mr Sharif offered the insurgents talks earlier this year, but there was little sincerity on either side. The Taliban’s only potential concession was that their aims of a caliphate, sharia law, and the overthrow of the secular state could come in instalments – not much of a bargain to be had there.It is highly unlikely to have that effect. The national revulsion at the school killings will surely reinforce the marked hostility toward the Taliban and other Islamist extremists which Pakistani public opinion displays. It will also undermine the already much discredited idea that there is, at least at this stage, a diplomatic solution to the conflict. The politicians – notably the ex-cricketer Imran Khan – who have in the past urged that course will find it hard to return to that theme. Mr Khan has unequivocally condemned the attack and postponed a nationwide protest against the government of Nawaz Sharif that his party, the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf, was due to stage tomorrow. Mr Sharif offered the insurgents talks earlier this year, but there was little sincerity on either side. The Taliban’s only potential concession was that their aims of a caliphate, sharia law, and the overthrow of the secular state could come in instalments – not much of a bargain to be had there.
So Pakistan finally embarked on the serious war against extremism which it had largely avoided in the past. The resulting campaign is the latest act in the tragic drama of Pakistani politics. The armed forces and successive governments have played with fire for many years, tolerating, supporting and using Islamist extremists in pursuit of their foreign aims in Kashmir, Afghanistan and central Asia, and in their efforts to maintain an elusive equality with India. This double game has caused untold difficulties and suffering in neighbouring countries. Finally, and predictably, the trouble they had fomented abroad came home in what one respected analyst has called “the worst terrorist backlash in the entire region”. The Peshawar massacre is proof enough of that.So Pakistan finally embarked on the serious war against extremism which it had largely avoided in the past. The resulting campaign is the latest act in the tragic drama of Pakistani politics. The armed forces and successive governments have played with fire for many years, tolerating, supporting and using Islamist extremists in pursuit of their foreign aims in Kashmir, Afghanistan and central Asia, and in their efforts to maintain an elusive equality with India. This double game has caused untold difficulties and suffering in neighbouring countries. Finally, and predictably, the trouble they had fomented abroad came home in what one respected analyst has called “the worst terrorist backlash in the entire region”. The Peshawar massacre is proof enough of that.
The army will surely now go after the Taliban with renewed vigour. But whether the double game is really over is another question. There are many Islamist groups and sub-groups. Managing and using them, dividing them into “good” and “bad,” according to the needs of the moment, has been a way of life for the Pakistani security establishment. Optimists see a pattern emerging in which the new Afghan government, the Pakistani government and armed forces, and the United States, are closer to being genuinely united than they have ever been in the past, with the extremists unable in the future to take refuge in one country when things are not going well for them in the other. Others are doubtful, noting that using extremism has become a habit it will be hard to give up entirely. But that is the way Pakistan should go. The costs of the old policy have been demonstrated again and again, and the Peshawar school massacre has underlined them in the most horrific way.The army will surely now go after the Taliban with renewed vigour. But whether the double game is really over is another question. There are many Islamist groups and sub-groups. Managing and using them, dividing them into “good” and “bad,” according to the needs of the moment, has been a way of life for the Pakistani security establishment. Optimists see a pattern emerging in which the new Afghan government, the Pakistani government and armed forces, and the United States, are closer to being genuinely united than they have ever been in the past, with the extremists unable in the future to take refuge in one country when things are not going well for them in the other. Others are doubtful, noting that using extremism has become a habit it will be hard to give up entirely. But that is the way Pakistan should go. The costs of the old policy have been demonstrated again and again, and the Peshawar school massacre has underlined them in the most horrific way.
• This article will be opened to comments on Wednesday morning UK time.