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| Frank-Walter Steinmeier Holds Talks in Moscow | |
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| BERLIN — When Frank-Walter Steinmeier became Germany’s foreign minister for the second time almost a year ago, he was looking for Berlin to assume an expanded international role, commensurate with its economic clout and stability. | BERLIN — When Frank-Walter Steinmeier became Germany’s foreign minister for the second time almost a year ago, he was looking for Berlin to assume an expanded international role, commensurate with its economic clout and stability. |
| He hoped to engineer a German version of the Obama administration’s “reset” with Russia. Steeped in his left-leaning party’s tradition of détente with Moscow, he had great experience with the giant neighbor to the east. | He hoped to engineer a German version of the Obama administration’s “reset” with Russia. Steeped in his left-leaning party’s tradition of détente with Moscow, he had great experience with the giant neighbor to the east. |
| Then President Vladimir V. Putin came with a reset of his own — a dramatic break with the post-1945 order in Europe and international law — when he sent troops to annex Crimea and stirred political and military upheaval in eastern Ukraine. | Then President Vladimir V. Putin came with a reset of his own — a dramatic break with the post-1945 order in Europe and international law — when he sent troops to annex Crimea and stirred political and military upheaval in eastern Ukraine. |
| As Mr. Steinmeier held talks on Tuesday in Moscow, he was very much the man in the middle, embodying the continued tension in Germany over how aggressively to assert itself on the world stage and how forcefully to confront Mr. Putin over Russia’s machinations in Ukraine. | As Mr. Steinmeier held talks on Tuesday in Moscow, he was very much the man in the middle, embodying the continued tension in Germany over how aggressively to assert itself on the world stage and how forcefully to confront Mr. Putin over Russia’s machinations in Ukraine. |
| He is also navigating the complexities of a coalition government with Chancellor Angela Merkel, whose rightist party shares power with his Social Democrats. Ms. Merkel has taken an increasingly hard line with Mr. Putin, castigating Russia for its actions in Ukraine and issuing a notably blunt warning on Monday, after a Group of 20 meeting in Australia, that the Ukraine crisis could spread. Mr. Steinmeier has emphasized engagement with the Kremlin, which the Germans call Ostpolitik, in keeping with the traditions of his party. | He is also navigating the complexities of a coalition government with Chancellor Angela Merkel, whose rightist party shares power with his Social Democrats. Ms. Merkel has taken an increasingly hard line with Mr. Putin, castigating Russia for its actions in Ukraine and issuing a notably blunt warning on Monday, after a Group of 20 meeting in Australia, that the Ukraine crisis could spread. Mr. Steinmeier has emphasized engagement with the Kremlin, which the Germans call Ostpolitik, in keeping with the traditions of his party. |
| To supporters, particularly Social Democrats, his dogged diplomacy is laudable. As he warned again last weekend, Ukraine could prompt a new division of Europe, 25 years after the fall of the Berlin Wall. | To supporters, particularly Social Democrats, his dogged diplomacy is laudable. As he warned again last weekend, Ukraine could prompt a new division of Europe, 25 years after the fall of the Berlin Wall. |
| Detractors argue that Mr. Putin has already divided Europe, making action more imperative than talk. After his meetings on Tuesday with Foreign Minister Sergey V. Lavrov, and later with Mr. Putin, apparently yielded no progress — Mr. Steinmeier conceded in a news conference that there was “no reason for optimism” — his approach was mocked by a conservative newspaper, the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, as the diplomacy of just opening doors. | Detractors argue that Mr. Putin has already divided Europe, making action more imperative than talk. After his meetings on Tuesday with Foreign Minister Sergey V. Lavrov, and later with Mr. Putin, apparently yielded no progress — Mr. Steinmeier conceded in a news conference that there was “no reason for optimism” — his approach was mocked by a conservative newspaper, the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, as the diplomacy of just opening doors. |
| Mr. Steinmeier, a white-haired, bespectacled lawyer, is no stranger to controversy, or to foreign affairs. And this extraordinary year — of crisis, but also of momentous anniversaries of World Wars I and II, and of the fall of the Berlin Wall — seems to have suited him. | Mr. Steinmeier, a white-haired, bespectacled lawyer, is no stranger to controversy, or to foreign affairs. And this extraordinary year — of crisis, but also of momentous anniversaries of World Wars I and II, and of the fall of the Berlin Wall — seems to have suited him. |
| He took office when relations between Germany and the United States were at a low, after revelations of American intelligence snooping on Germans in general and on Chancellor Angela Merkel’s cellphone in particular. Now he scores highly with American officials. At a recent dinner, the United States ambassador in Berlin, John B. Emerson, lauded “Germany’s extraordinary foreign minister.” | He took office when relations between Germany and the United States were at a low, after revelations of American intelligence snooping on Germans in general and on Chancellor Angela Merkel’s cellphone in particular. Now he scores highly with American officials. At a recent dinner, the United States ambassador in Berlin, John B. Emerson, lauded “Germany’s extraordinary foreign minister.” |
| “The United States,” he said, “has no better or more effective friend and partner.” | “The United States,” he said, “has no better or more effective friend and partner.” |
| The energetic Mr. Steinmeier, 58, has even occasionally outranked the popular Ms. Merkel, 60, who defeated him in 2009 national elections, in opinion polls. | The energetic Mr. Steinmeier, 58, has even occasionally outranked the popular Ms. Merkel, 60, who defeated him in 2009 national elections, in opinion polls. |
| As he helps to forge Germany’s new place in the world, the minister has focused on the centenary of World War I and its lesson that one should heed problems that appear peripheral but can — as the Balkans did in 1914 — fatefully sway European politics. | As he helps to forge Germany’s new place in the world, the minister has focused on the centenary of World War I and its lesson that one should heed problems that appear peripheral but can — as the Balkans did in 1914 — fatefully sway European politics. |
| Unusually in a secular Europe, Mr. Steinmeier also draws on his Protestant faith. “As a Christian, I am responsible for my actions, but also for what I do not do,” he told a Protestant journal, Chrismon, last month. Luther “had a clear message: Get involved!” | Unusually in a secular Europe, Mr. Steinmeier also draws on his Protestant faith. “As a Christian, I am responsible for my actions, but also for what I do not do,” he told a Protestant journal, Chrismon, last month. Luther “had a clear message: Get involved!” |
| In a half-hour interview in his cramped office in Parliament, Mr. Steinmeier expanded on his current dealings with Moscow, and his worldview. | In a half-hour interview in his cramped office in Parliament, Mr. Steinmeier expanded on his current dealings with Moscow, and his worldview. |
| “We must bid farewell to the illusions that the bipolar world would be replaced by multipolar,” he said. “The world is recognizably in search of a new order, without having one. And from that, conflicts arise which are harder to solve today than 10 or 20 years ago.” | “We must bid farewell to the illusions that the bipolar world would be replaced by multipolar,” he said. “The world is recognizably in search of a new order, without having one. And from that, conflicts arise which are harder to solve today than 10 or 20 years ago.” |
| In Russia, “we have no possibility to affect the domestic development,” he said — a measure of the distance he has traveled in a year. “We feel our way forward, more in day-to-day business, trying to avoid military escalation.” | In Russia, “we have no possibility to affect the domestic development,” he said — a measure of the distance he has traveled in a year. “We feel our way forward, more in day-to-day business, trying to avoid military escalation.” |
| “One cannot get discouraged,” he said, regretting that separatists held and won what the West has refused to call free elections in eastern Ukraine. “This is not the first setback,” he said, though “to be honest, I had hoped this new setback could be avoided.” | “One cannot get discouraged,” he said, regretting that separatists held and won what the West has refused to call free elections in eastern Ukraine. “This is not the first setback,” he said, though “to be honest, I had hoped this new setback could be avoided.” |
| For many Germans, Russia looms large in a way unthinkable in the distant United States, or even in Britain or France. Particularly for Mr. Steinmeier’s generation of Social Democrats molded by Chancellor Willy Brandt, Russia was not just the Cold War enemy. It helped defeat the Nazis, and has variously been foe, friend and partner in trade for centuries. | For many Germans, Russia looms large in a way unthinkable in the distant United States, or even in Britain or France. Particularly for Mr. Steinmeier’s generation of Social Democrats molded by Chancellor Willy Brandt, Russia was not just the Cold War enemy. It helped defeat the Nazis, and has variously been foe, friend and partner in trade for centuries. |
| Mr. Steinmeier first gained prominence as a right-hand man to Gerhard Schröder, running Mr. Schröder’s chancellery from 1998 to 2005. (He performed the same function when Mr. Schröder governed the state of Lower Saxony). Then their ways parted: Mr. Schröder controversially went to work for the Russian gas giant Gazprom, while Mr. Steinmeier served as foreign minister from 2005 to 2009. | Mr. Steinmeier first gained prominence as a right-hand man to Gerhard Schröder, running Mr. Schröder’s chancellery from 1998 to 2005. (He performed the same function when Mr. Schröder governed the state of Lower Saxony). Then their ways parted: Mr. Schröder controversially went to work for the Russian gas giant Gazprom, while Mr. Steinmeier served as foreign minister from 2005 to 2009. |
| Neither man publicly airs their evident rift over Mr. Putin, who Mr. Schröder embraced at his 70th birthday party in St. Petersburg, Russia, in April, organized by Gazprom. | Neither man publicly airs their evident rift over Mr. Putin, who Mr. Schröder embraced at his 70th birthday party in St. Petersburg, Russia, in April, organized by Gazprom. |
| But as Mr. Steinmeier said in the interview, “It cannot be that we conduct business as usual.” | But as Mr. Steinmeier said in the interview, “It cannot be that we conduct business as usual.” |
| About Ukraine, Ms. Merkel has tirelessly talked to Mr. Putin. Aides say that she and Mr. Steinmeier often call and send text messages to each other. Their work has highlighted Germany’s growing role, a responsibility — Germans avoid the term leadership, because of connotations attached to the word Führung –— which Mr. Steinmeier feels keenly. | About Ukraine, Ms. Merkel has tirelessly talked to Mr. Putin. Aides say that she and Mr. Steinmeier often call and send text messages to each other. Their work has highlighted Germany’s growing role, a responsibility — Germans avoid the term leadership, because of connotations attached to the word Führung –— which Mr. Steinmeier feels keenly. |
| When he took office last December, he recalled, he “urged that Germany accept the responsibility that falls to this country, from its size and its economic stability.” | When he took office last December, he recalled, he “urged that Germany accept the responsibility that falls to this country, from its size and its economic stability.” |
| “This is not a responsibility for which we have to apply,” he continued. "It is my conviction that we simply have it. And my core phrase is that a policy of military restraint should not lead to the misunderstanding that we conduct a policy of political constraint.” | “This is not a responsibility for which we have to apply,” he continued. "It is my conviction that we simply have it. And my core phrase is that a policy of military restraint should not lead to the misunderstanding that we conduct a policy of political constraint.” |
| Not everyone sees this as productive, or correct. On Ukraine, “we don’t want dialogue without talk about its cost,” said Manuel Sarrazin of the opposition Greens party, who espouses a clear, tough line toward Russia. | Not everyone sees this as productive, or correct. On Ukraine, “we don’t want dialogue without talk about its cost,” said Manuel Sarrazin of the opposition Greens party, who espouses a clear, tough line toward Russia. |
| John Kornblum, a former American ambassador to Germany, knew Mr. Steinmeier during his seven years at the chancellery. “I have a very mixed view of him,” he said, adding that it stemmed in part from “the total break with America over the Iraq war,” when Germany and France opposed the American-led invasion in 2003. | John Kornblum, a former American ambassador to Germany, knew Mr. Steinmeier during his seven years at the chancellery. “I have a very mixed view of him,” he said, adding that it stemmed in part from “the total break with America over the Iraq war,” when Germany and France opposed the American-led invasion in 2003. |
| Now, Mr. Kornblum said of Mr. Steinmeier, “the Russians have slapped him in the face again and again and again” over Ukraine. Yet, Mr. Kornblum argued, neither the minister nor his party had broken with Ostpolitik thinking. | Now, Mr. Kornblum said of Mr. Steinmeier, “the Russians have slapped him in the face again and again and again” over Ukraine. Yet, Mr. Kornblum argued, neither the minister nor his party had broken with Ostpolitik thinking. |
| Only once, in May, did the passion pour out. Mr. Steinmeier had just come from Brussels, where, he later indicated, he heard one too many hints of being soft on Russia. He went straight to a party rally in Berlin and was heckled as a “warmonger.” Mr. Steinmeier broke into in a two-minute tirade against the pro-Russian protesters that drew almost 2.7 million hits on YouTube.. | Only once, in May, did the passion pour out. Mr. Steinmeier had just come from Brussels, where, he later indicated, he heard one too many hints of being soft on Russia. He went straight to a party rally in Berlin and was heckled as a “warmonger.” Mr. Steinmeier broke into in a two-minute tirade against the pro-Russian protesters that drew almost 2.7 million hits on YouTube.. |
| Several colleagues said, by contrast, that they had never heard him raise his voice. “The most you will hear is, ‘Next time, we’ll do better,’ “ one aide said. Nor does he seek the public eye: Mr. Steinmeier’s wife, Elke, to whom he donated a kidney in 2010, and their 18-year-old daughter rarely appear in public with him. | Several colleagues said, by contrast, that they had never heard him raise his voice. “The most you will hear is, ‘Next time, we’ll do better,’ “ one aide said. Nor does he seek the public eye: Mr. Steinmeier’s wife, Elke, to whom he donated a kidney in 2010, and their 18-year-old daughter rarely appear in public with him. |
| Wolfgang Ischinger, a former German ambassador to London and Washington who now runs the Munich Security Conference, has worked with or for Mr. Steinmeier for more than 15 years. Among top German politicians, the minister is “the best listener,” Mr. Ischinger said. | Wolfgang Ischinger, a former German ambassador to London and Washington who now runs the Munich Security Conference, has worked with or for Mr. Steinmeier for more than 15 years. Among top German politicians, the minister is “the best listener,” Mr. Ischinger said. |
| That is a quality needed at home, too. As someone who worries about how to involve young people in public life, Mr. Steinmeier has initiated an ambitious review of foreign policy, holding meetings nationwide and drawing in more than 12,000 people who work at the ministry or abroad. | That is a quality needed at home, too. As someone who worries about how to involve young people in public life, Mr. Steinmeier has initiated an ambitious review of foreign policy, holding meetings nationwide and drawing in more than 12,000 people who work at the ministry or abroad. |
| Again, not everyone is happy. Regula Hess, 25, an international affairs student who joined a Facebook session with Mr. Steinmeier, was disappointed that it was “just like a television interview.” | Again, not everyone is happy. Regula Hess, 25, an international affairs student who joined a Facebook session with Mr. Steinmeier, was disappointed that it was “just like a television interview.” |
| “ I was really hoping that he would ask us what is needed,” she said. | “ I was really hoping that he would ask us what is needed,” she said. |