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Alan Johnson: Labour’s plaintalking antidote to Ukip – if he’d come back Alan Johnson: Labour’s plaintalking antidote to Ukip – if he’d come back
(35 minutes later)
You can see why so many in Labour’s top echelons hanker after Alan Johnson’s return to frontline politics. Westminster has become ever more professionalised and politicians of all stripes are drawn from a narrow social background: disproportionately privately educated, perhaps studied philosophy, politics and economics at Oxford. Few of Labour’s leading lights are renowned for their ability to speak in a language that resonates with most punters. You can see why so many in Labour’s top echelons hanker after Alan Johnson’s return to frontline politics.
Westminster has become ever more professionalised and politicians of all stripes are drawn from a narrow social background: disproportionately privately educated, perhaps studied philosophy, politics and economics at Oxford. Few of Labour’s leading lights are renowned for their ability to speak in a language that resonates with most punters.
Johnson is a striking contrast: orphaned by the age of 12 and brought up in a council flat by his sister, he began his working life as a supermarket shelf-stacker before becoming a postman (a period covered in the second volume of his memoirs, released last month). By the age of 20 he’d already fathered three children, once leading Tony Blair to exclaim: “Gosh, you really are working class, aren’t you?”Johnson is a striking contrast: orphaned by the age of 12 and brought up in a council flat by his sister, he began his working life as a supermarket shelf-stacker before becoming a postman (a period covered in the second volume of his memoirs, released last month). By the age of 20 he’d already fathered three children, once leading Tony Blair to exclaim: “Gosh, you really are working class, aren’t you?”
John McTernan, Blair’s former political secretary, says: “The narrowing down of politics as a profession is not just dispiriting and even alienating from voters, it narrows the reach that the party has. Alan is a rare example of someone from a different background … I do think Alan represents not a lost branch of the party, but something that is fading.”John McTernan, Blair’s former political secretary, says: “The narrowing down of politics as a profession is not just dispiriting and even alienating from voters, it narrows the reach that the party has. Alan is a rare example of someone from a different background … I do think Alan represents not a lost branch of the party, but something that is fading.”
Johnson’s history gives him a hint of cool that few politicians can pull off. “There’s a flash about him: he’s the only member of a Labour cabinet who could ever walk down Downing Street wearing a pair of Ray Bans and look cool doing it,” says his former special adviser Mario Dunn. Johnson’s history gives him a hint of cool that few politicians can pull off. “There’s a flash about him: he’s the only member of a Labour cabinet who could ever walk down Downing Street wearing a pair of Ray-Bans and look cool doing it,” says his former special adviser, Mario Dunn.
Other leading Blairites began their political journeys on the far left: Alan Milburn flirted with Trotskyism; both John Reid and Peter Mandelson were members of Britain’s Communist movement. Johnson, says Billy Hayes, general secretary of the Communication Workers Union, “has never been an out-and-out leftwinger – it’s not true to say that he started on the left and moved rightwards.”Other leading Blairites began their political journeys on the far left: Alan Milburn flirted with Trotskyism; both John Reid and Peter Mandelson were members of Britain’s Communist movement. Johnson, says Billy Hayes, general secretary of the Communication Workers Union, “has never been an out-and-out leftwinger – it’s not true to say that he started on the left and moved rightwards.”
Hayes first met Johnson in 1981, when they were both members of what was then the Union of Communication Workers (UCW), at a fringe meeting addressed by Tony Benn, who was then campaigning for the Labour deputy leadership. “He was mainstream Labour, if not a little bit more to the right,” says Hayes.Hayes first met Johnson in 1981, when they were both members of what was then the Union of Communication Workers (UCW), at a fringe meeting addressed by Tony Benn, who was then campaigning for the Labour deputy leadership. “He was mainstream Labour, if not a little bit more to the right,” says Hayes.
The UCW was often militant when it came to strike action, but long a ballast of the Labour leadership and more rightwing elements of the party, and Johnson fitted in nicely with that. “He’s far more pragmatic, you would say realistic in what he thinks can be achieved through political change,” says Dunn. The UCW was often militant when it came to strike action, but it was long ballast for the Labour leadership and more rightwing elements of the party, and Johnson fitted in nicely with that.
“He’s far more pragmatic, you would say realistic, in what he thinks can be achieved through political change,” says Dunn.
Johnson is part of a much embattled Labour tradition: a working-class man who owes his political career to the trade union movement. After becoming national officer for delivery staff in 1987, he quickly made a mark. “When I first got on the executive,” recalls Hayes, “one of the older executive members told me to try to distract myself when Alan Johnson speaks, because if you don’t you’ll find yourself voting with him. He’s that persuasive.”Johnson is part of a much embattled Labour tradition: a working-class man who owes his political career to the trade union movement. After becoming national officer for delivery staff in 1987, he quickly made a mark. “When I first got on the executive,” recalls Hayes, “one of the older executive members told me to try to distract myself when Alan Johnson speaks, because if you don’t you’ll find yourself voting with him. He’s that persuasive.”
After finally becoming leader of the union in 1992, Johnson would align himself with the New Labour project, becoming the only trade union leader to back Blair’s revision of clause IV, the party’s historic commitment to public ownership. But the industrial militancy did not die: the unequivocally leftwing Hayes claims there were more strikes during Johnson’s term in office than his own, even if Johnson might suggest Hayes was causing them.After finally becoming leader of the union in 1992, Johnson would align himself with the New Labour project, becoming the only trade union leader to back Blair’s revision of clause IV, the party’s historic commitment to public ownership. But the industrial militancy did not die: the unequivocally leftwing Hayes claims there were more strikes during Johnson’s term in office than his own, even if Johnson might suggest Hayes was causing them.
Although there were rumours that Johnson might land himself a Labour seat, it was not until the eve of the 1997 general election that an opening appeared. Stuart Randall, then MP for Hull West, had grown ever more unpopular locally. John Prescott, then deputy Labour leader and MP for neighbouring Hull East, managed to convince Blair to grant Randall a peerage to get rid of him.Although there were rumours that Johnson might land himself a Labour seat, it was not until the eve of the 1997 general election that an opening appeared. Stuart Randall, then MP for Hull West, had grown ever more unpopular locally. John Prescott, then deputy Labour leader and MP for neighbouring Hull East, managed to convince Blair to grant Randall a peerage to get rid of him.
“So Blair says to me, I’ve got someone who wants to work with you, he’d be great,” says Prescott. “He’s got three kids in private school – it was Charlie Falconer [a childhood friend of Blair’s]. So I say – well fucking forget about that for Hull! Why not say to the unions you’d want a union man?” And so although Johnson had no connections with Hull he became one of the city’s members of parliament. “So Blair says to me, I’ve got someone who wants to work with you, he’d be great,” says Prescott. “He’s got three kids  in private school – it was Charlie Falconer [a childhood friend of Blair’s]. So I say – well fucking forget about that for Hull! Why not say to the unions you’d want a union man?” And so although Johnson had no connections with Hull he became one of the city’s members of parliament.
On a personal level, Johnson is almost universally liked. “He’s got a natural charm about him, which is quite rare,” says Dunn. “I won’t say rare in politics, but rare in people. You get this relaxed feeling around him.” Even in ministerial office, he was most comfortable having a beer with an old trade union branch secretary he knew from two decades earlier. On a personal level, Johnson is almost universally liked. “He’s got a natural charm about him, which is quite rare,” says Dunn. “I won’t say rare in politics, but rare in people. You get this relaxed feeling around him.” Even in ministerial office, he was most comfortable having a beer with an old trade union branch secretary he knew from two decades earlier.
“Alan’s definitely emollient, a bridge-builder, somebody who can take quite complicated issues and explain them to the public,” suggests McTernan. Meg Hillier, a junior minister serving under Johnson when he was home secretary, found him “incredibly supportive and loyal, he would back you to the hilt”.“Alan’s definitely emollient, a bridge-builder, somebody who can take quite complicated issues and explain them to the public,” suggests McTernan. Meg Hillier, a junior minister serving under Johnson when he was home secretary, found him “incredibly supportive and loyal, he would back you to the hilt”.
As a minister – the first former union leader in cabinet since Frank Cousins – Johnson preferred to sit in the front of his ministerial car so he could chat to the driver, and was delighted to go abroad so he could travel freely without the trappings of office. Hayes recalls encountering many ministers with a habit of looking over their shoulder for someone else to speak to, a trait that Johnson has never had. On the day he was appointed home secretary in June 2009, Johnson refused to go to Downing Street so that could honour a previously arranged meeting with trawlermen in his constituency. As a minister – the first former union leader in cabinet since Frank Cousins – Johnson preferred to sit in the front of his ministerial car so he could chat to the driver, and was delighted to go abroad so he could travel freely without the trappings of office. Hayes recalls encountering many ministers with a habit of looking over your shoulder for someone else to speak to, a trait Johnson has never had. On the day he was appointed home secretary in June 2009, Johnson refused to go to Downing Street so that he could honour a previously arranged meeting with trawlermen in his constituency.
His persuasiveness served him well in high office: as health secretary, he once returned grinning from the Treasury after securing twice as much funding for an initiative as he had originally requested. Although proud of pushing through legislation to raise the school leaving age to 18, Johnson’s major frustration in government – as a staunch atheist – was Blair’s refuse to reform faith schools. An otherwise loyal Blairite, Johnson was nonetheless no ardent ideologue, hailing from the “radical centre”, as Dunn puts it, and expressing various liberal sentiments on issues such as civil liberties, as well as being a staunch proponent of proportional representation. His persuasiveness served him well in high office: as health secretary, he once returned grinning from the Treasury after securing twice as much funding for an initiative as he had originally requested. Although proud of pushing through legislation to raise the school leaving age to 18, Johnson’s major frustration in government – as a staunch atheist – was Blair’s refuse to reform faith schools. An otherwise loyal Blairite, Johnson was no ardent ideologue, hailing from the “radical centre”, as Dunn puts it, and expressing various liberal sentiments on issues such as civil liberties, as well as being a staunch proponent of proportional representation.
But it is lack of ambition that attracts both the admiration and irritation of his colleagues. When he became an MP in 1997, an admiring journalist suggested he should aspire to the very top, but Johnson shocked them by retorting: “God no! Maybe a junior minister, nothing above that.” When it was suggested he should try to use his backstory more to connect with voters, he had a prompt response. “I’m not talking about my story, it’s horrible, why would I use it to further my career?”But it is lack of ambition that attracts both the admiration and irritation of his colleagues. When he became an MP in 1997, an admiring journalist suggested he should aspire to the very top, but Johnson shocked them by retorting: “God no! Maybe a junior minister, nothing above that.” When it was suggested he should try to use his backstory more to connect with voters, he had a prompt response. “I’m not talking about my story, it’s horrible, why would I use it to further my career?”
Dunn seems occasionally exasperated by his lack of ego. Johnson once refused a soft-focus interview with the Mail on Sunday magazine. “Most politicians chew their right arm for such an opportunity,” says Dunn. He never really gave a reason why and, the week after, it was Nick Clegg’s face staring back from the front of the magazine.Dunn seems occasionally exasperated by his lack of ego. Johnson once refused a soft-focus interview with the Mail on Sunday magazine. “Most politicians chew their right arm for such an opportunity,” says Dunn. He never really gave a reason why and, the week after, it was Nick Clegg’s face staring back from the front of the magazine.
Although Prescott admires Johnson on a personal level, as someone “who speaks in a language people understand” and for representing his constituency well and fighting for local fishermen and improved local train services, he brims with frustration about him. “I supported him when he stood for the deputy leadership in 2007, but he just didn’t organise,” Prescott complains. “I said to him, do you want this, because you’re not putting up a fight, but he didn’t.” One former union comrade suggests “he’s a bit lazy – I don’t think he’s driven the way other politicians are driven.” Although Prescott admires Johnson on a personal level, as someone “who speaks in a language people understand” and for representing his constituency well and fighting for local fishermen and improved local train services, he brims with frustration about him.
“I supported him when he stood for the deputy leadership in 2007, but he just didn’t organise,” Prescott complains. “I said to him, do you want this, because you’re not putting up a fight, but he didn’t.” One former union comrade suggests: “He’s a bit lazy – I don’t think he’s driven the way other politicians are driven.”
After the 2010 general election, Johnson was determined to leave the frontbench, but when he was offered the post of shadow chancellor he felt that to turn it down would be seen as a snub. It was a position he strongly disliked, partly because he was accustomed to being surrounded by a huge machine of civil servants, and he now had few personnel to help him.After the 2010 general election, Johnson was determined to leave the frontbench, but when he was offered the post of shadow chancellor he felt that to turn it down would be seen as a snub. It was a position he strongly disliked, partly because he was accustomed to being surrounded by a huge machine of civil servants, and he now had few personnel to help him.
“My impression is he doesn’t want to be in an opposition, he doesn’t want the haul of opposition, he wants to be a government man,” speculates Prescott. “It puts a question mark over him. What’s his role? There’s not that grit in Alan.”“My impression is he doesn’t want to be in an opposition, he doesn’t want the haul of opposition, he wants to be a government man,” speculates Prescott. “It puts a question mark over him. What’s his role? There’s not that grit in Alan.”
McTernan says: “I’d love to have him back in frontline politics. He has just the right combination of politics, tone, manner and empathy to be the universal antidote to Ukip and the populist right.”McTernan says: “I’d love to have him back in frontline politics. He has just the right combination of politics, tone, manner and empathy to be the universal antidote to Ukip and the populist right.”
But most of his friends accept he’s not coming back. “Alan knows the importance of contented fulfilment,” says his former colleague Tessa Jowell. Johnson seems happy writing his well-received books; after the trauma of his wife’s affair with his police bodyguard, which prompted him to resign as shadow chancellor, he is now happy in his love life, too. It seems those wanting plaintalkers from less gilded backgrounds in politics will have to look elsewhere. But most of his friends accept he’s not coming back. “Alan knows the importance of contented fulfilment,” says his former colleague Tessa Jowell. Johnson seems happy writing his well-received books; after the trauma of his wife’s affair with his police bodyguard, which prompted him to resign as shadow chancellor, he is now happy in his love life, too. It seems those wanting plain-talkers from less gilded backgrounds in politics will have to look elsewhere.