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Premier’s Push Toward Center Opens Rift on the Left French Premier’s Push Toward Center Opens Rift on the Left
(35 minutes later)
PARIS — Hours after President François Hollande purged leftist members of his government last month for opposing his economic policies, Manuel Valls, France’s combative prime minister, climbed a stage before hundreds of cheering French executives and called for a new relationship with business to lift France from its malaise.PARIS — Hours after President François Hollande purged leftist members of his government last month for opposing his economic policies, Manuel Valls, France’s combative prime minister, climbed a stage before hundreds of cheering French executives and called for a new relationship with business to lift France from its malaise.
He admonished the left wing of the French Socialist Party to stop posturing against capitalism, then launched into a lengthy pro-business discourse that drew a standing ovation. “France needs you,” he told the bosses at the annual summer conference of the Medef, France’s employers’ union. “And I love business!”He admonished the left wing of the French Socialist Party to stop posturing against capitalism, then launched into a lengthy pro-business discourse that drew a standing ovation. “France needs you,” he told the bosses at the annual summer conference of the Medef, France’s employers’ union. “And I love business!”
His speech could have been taken from the playbook of Tony Blair, the former British prime minister, who persuaded his Labour Party to pivot to the center in the 1990s. But in France, that brand of talk is opening a fractious rift within the Socialist Party, between leftists who fear their leaders are abandoning the party’s ideological core and others who believe that a centrist makeover is needed to save not just modern-day Socialism, but also France itself.His speech could have been taken from the playbook of Tony Blair, the former British prime minister, who persuaded his Labour Party to pivot to the center in the 1990s. But in France, that brand of talk is opening a fractious rift within the Socialist Party, between leftists who fear their leaders are abandoning the party’s ideological core and others who believe that a centrist makeover is needed to save not just modern-day Socialism, but also France itself.
Mr. Valls has called a rare confidence vote in the National Assembly for Tuesday, as he tries to corral his party toward reforms and away from what he calls “old Socialism.” While his government seems likely to succeed, several leftist lawmakers have threatened a rebellion, and, if the vote fails, it could precipitate new elections.Mr. Valls has called a rare confidence vote in the National Assembly for Tuesday, as he tries to corral his party toward reforms and away from what he calls “old Socialism.” While his government seems likely to succeed, several leftist lawmakers have threatened a rebellion, and, if the vote fails, it could precipitate new elections.
Not just in France, but across Europe, the enduring economic malaise has convulsed governments and sent the political left into a existential crisis.Not just in France, but across Europe, the enduring economic malaise has convulsed governments and sent the political left into a existential crisis.
Even as momentum builds against the austerity policies that Germany has pushed on the eurozone, the question remains whether Europe can afford the welfare systems that have defined the left for generations and that critics blame for ushering in the debt crisis in the first place. But if the left now backs away from its ideological touchstones, then what does it stand for?Even as momentum builds against the austerity policies that Germany has pushed on the eurozone, the question remains whether Europe can afford the welfare systems that have defined the left for generations and that critics blame for ushering in the debt crisis in the first place. But if the left now backs away from its ideological touchstones, then what does it stand for?
Mr. Valls is trying to answer that challenge by calling on his party to embrace policies that emphasize growth over social protections as Europe’s leaders look for ways to stimulate their economies. He has forged a new solidarity axis with Prime Minister Matteo Renzi of Italy, who has embraced freer markets and labor reforms but, like Mr. Valls, is also seeking to push back against deeper cuts in public spending.Mr. Valls is trying to answer that challenge by calling on his party to embrace policies that emphasize growth over social protections as Europe’s leaders look for ways to stimulate their economies. He has forged a new solidarity axis with Prime Minister Matteo Renzi of Italy, who has embraced freer markets and labor reforms but, like Mr. Valls, is also seeking to push back against deeper cuts in public spending.
At a social-democratic rally in Bologna, Italy, this month, both men appeared tieless and in matching white shirts, hugging each other and promising to “unblock Europe.”At a social-democratic rally in Bologna, Italy, this month, both men appeared tieless and in matching white shirts, hugging each other and promising to “unblock Europe.”
“Renzi and Valls have broken with the old European Socialism the way Blair did,” said Gérard Grunberg, a political scientist who studies the left in France. “Valls is trying to embody a real modernization of the Socialist Party, by challenging the state and putting more confidence in the markets.”“Renzi and Valls have broken with the old European Socialism the way Blair did,” said Gérard Grunberg, a political scientist who studies the left in France. “Valls is trying to embody a real modernization of the Socialist Party, by challenging the state and putting more confidence in the markets.”
So far, it has not been easy. In the cabinet reshuffle last month, Mr. Hollande ousted Arnaud Montebourg, a populist economy minister, and replaced him with Emmanuel Macron, a wealthy former banker at Rothschild who is seen as more friendly to business.So far, it has not been easy. In the cabinet reshuffle last month, Mr. Hollande ousted Arnaud Montebourg, a populist economy minister, and replaced him with Emmanuel Macron, a wealthy former banker at Rothschild who is seen as more friendly to business.
The moves left the traditional base of the Socialist Party feeling angry and betrayed. Yet to critics elsewhere, the changes still felt like an unsatisfying attempt to split the difference between setting a new direction for the party and remaining true to old Socialist ideals.The moves left the traditional base of the Socialist Party feeling angry and betrayed. Yet to critics elsewhere, the changes still felt like an unsatisfying attempt to split the difference between setting a new direction for the party and remaining true to old Socialist ideals.
“The problem is that Hollande and Valls don’t embody anything at all,” said the French economist Thomas Piketty, whose book “Capital in the Twenty-First Century” explores social inequality in France and elsewhere. “They are trying to make people believe that Germany is the only country responsible for the catastrophic austerity policy which has plunged the eurozone into stagnation.”“The problem is that Hollande and Valls don’t embody anything at all,” said the French economist Thomas Piketty, whose book “Capital in the Twenty-First Century” explores social inequality in France and elsewhere. “They are trying to make people believe that Germany is the only country responsible for the catastrophic austerity policy which has plunged the eurozone into stagnation.”
“But in truth,” he added, “the problem is that they are scared of any progress in terms of policy and budgetary union at the eurozone level, which would yet be the only solution to get out of the crisis,” but was likely to require future trimming of the state to meet the European Union’s requirements.“But in truth,” he added, “the problem is that they are scared of any progress in terms of policy and budgetary union at the eurozone level, which would yet be the only solution to get out of the crisis,” but was likely to require future trimming of the state to meet the European Union’s requirements.
As a tell-all book published this month by Mr. Hollande’s former companion Valérie Trierweiler accused him of secretly despising the poor — calling them those “without teeth” — a TNS Sofres survey published in Le Figaro gave the president only 13 percent support among the French.As a tell-all book published this month by Mr. Hollande’s former companion Valérie Trierweiler accused him of secretly despising the poor — calling them those “without teeth” — a TNS Sofres survey published in Le Figaro gave the president only 13 percent support among the French.
“France is rotting from the top,” Nicolas Baverez, a conservative economist, observed in a recent editorial in the magazine Le Point. “It is the victim of a political system that is pretending to manage everything, while in reality, it stumbles.”“France is rotting from the top,” Nicolas Baverez, a conservative economist, observed in a recent editorial in the magazine Le Point. “It is the victim of a political system that is pretending to manage everything, while in reality, it stumbles.”
Mr. Hollande’s weakness has elevated Mr. Valls as the de facto strongman of the French government, with a mission to rebrand France as a country that is open for business and willing to temper traditional French protectionism with a warmer embrace of the free market.Mr. Hollande’s weakness has elevated Mr. Valls as the de facto strongman of the French government, with a mission to rebrand France as a country that is open for business and willing to temper traditional French protectionism with a warmer embrace of the free market.
Known for his outspokenness and frenetic energy, Mr. Valls is seen as a freethinker in French politics, and has at times been called the “Socialist Sarkozy” — a reference to Nicolas Sarkozy, the former president, whose conservative Union for a Popular Movement party was also tough on issues like immigration and security.Known for his outspokenness and frenetic energy, Mr. Valls is seen as a freethinker in French politics, and has at times been called the “Socialist Sarkozy” — a reference to Nicolas Sarkozy, the former president, whose conservative Union for a Popular Movement party was also tough on issues like immigration and security.
In the French news media, Mr. Valls is presented as a partisan of “the uninhibited left,” Socialists who challenge traditional reforms established by the left. In his 2010 book, “Power,” Mr. Valls emphasized the “exhaustion” of the social-democratic model, which he described as a confusing mix of left and right policies. “Even worse,” he wrote, “it is the left that is now incapable of rejuvenating the welfare state by adapting it to the realities of our time.”In the French news media, Mr. Valls is presented as a partisan of “the uninhibited left,” Socialists who challenge traditional reforms established by the left. In his 2010 book, “Power,” Mr. Valls emphasized the “exhaustion” of the social-democratic model, which he described as a confusing mix of left and right policies. “Even worse,” he wrote, “it is the left that is now incapable of rejuvenating the welfare state by adapting it to the realities of our time.”
Jean-Jacques Urvoas, a Socialist legislator and a close friend of Mr. Valls’s, called him a “prickly” man with a “modernist” approach. “He doesn’t kowtow to the great figures of the left; he is an iconoclast,” Mr. Urvoas said.Jean-Jacques Urvoas, a Socialist legislator and a close friend of Mr. Valls’s, called him a “prickly” man with a “modernist” approach. “He doesn’t kowtow to the great figures of the left; he is an iconoclast,” Mr. Urvoas said.
Mr. Valls fashions himself as a torchbearer for the center, seeking peace with the business community and revisiting bedrock Socialist tenets like France’s 35-hour workweek. If Mr. Hollande’s mandate grows weaker, there is little doubt that Mr. Valls will try to pick up the mantle for the Socialist Party heading into France’s 2017 presidential race.Mr. Valls fashions himself as a torchbearer for the center, seeking peace with the business community and revisiting bedrock Socialist tenets like France’s 35-hour workweek. If Mr. Hollande’s mandate grows weaker, there is little doubt that Mr. Valls will try to pick up the mantle for the Socialist Party heading into France’s 2017 presidential race.
“He doesn’t have that soft image that Hollande does; in that sense he’s viewed as more presidential,” said Jacob Funk Kirkegaard, an economist at the Peterson Institute for International Economics in Washington. “For now, he must follow Hollande’s policies. But if the captain of the ship has to bow out because he is too weak, he would fancy himself taking a crack at it.”“He doesn’t have that soft image that Hollande does; in that sense he’s viewed as more presidential,” said Jacob Funk Kirkegaard, an economist at the Peterson Institute for International Economics in Washington. “For now, he must follow Hollande’s policies. But if the captain of the ship has to bow out because he is too weak, he would fancy himself taking a crack at it.”
But the latest polls show Mr. Valls losing popularity, too, and if the government’s tilt toward the center does not produce better economic results, he will be deeply discredited.But the latest polls show Mr. Valls losing popularity, too, and if the government’s tilt toward the center does not produce better economic results, he will be deeply discredited.
To shore up his Socialist credentials, Mr. Valls has taken pains to address “the French who are suffering.” But Mr. Valls is also limited in how much he can go beyond the policies already outlined by Mr. Hollande. For now, the two men are, perhaps uncomfortably, joined at the hip.To shore up his Socialist credentials, Mr. Valls has taken pains to address “the French who are suffering.” But Mr. Valls is also limited in how much he can go beyond the policies already outlined by Mr. Hollande. For now, the two men are, perhaps uncomfortably, joined at the hip.
While Mr. Hollande has made clear he will not impose new austerity measures, Mr. Valls must still persuade left-leaning members of their Socialist Party to sign off on cuts of 50 billion euros, or about $65 billion, already pledged through 2017 — something that will remain a hurdle even if the confidence vote passes on Tuesday.While Mr. Hollande has made clear he will not impose new austerity measures, Mr. Valls must still persuade left-leaning members of their Socialist Party to sign off on cuts of 50 billion euros, or about $65 billion, already pledged through 2017 — something that will remain a hurdle even if the confidence vote passes on Tuesday.
“It’s politically tough to do when you have a left wing of the Socialist Party that want no cuts of any kind in the social welfare state,” Mr. Kirkegaard said. “That’s where Valls’s main political fight will be.”“It’s politically tough to do when you have a left wing of the Socialist Party that want no cuts of any kind in the social welfare state,” Mr. Kirkegaard said. “That’s where Valls’s main political fight will be.”