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Devine makes rational case for Scotland but 'we're different' claim lacks facts Devine makes rational case for Scotland but 'we're different' claim lacks facts
(35 minutes later)
Ever since the eminent Scottish historian Tom Devine came off the independence debate fence in the Observer in favour of a yes (the Observer remains on the fence), historians have joined politicians, economists and poets in the fray in greater numbers. In Monday's Guardian, Devine himself provides some elegant context for the disengagement from the union he now endorses.Ever since the eminent Scottish historian Tom Devine came off the independence debate fence in the Observer in favour of a yes (the Observer remains on the fence), historians have joined politicians, economists and poets in the fray in greater numbers. In Monday's Guardian, Devine himself provides some elegant context for the disengagement from the union he now endorses.
We can't have enough information of all different kinds, especially the calm, rational kind. Devine explains how the once-solid union, built around Protestantism, defined by would-be European conquerers, cemented by trade and Anglo-Scots empire, underpinned by the Kirk, have all faded since the 1960s. So have Scotland's old heavy industries – for which Margaret Thatcher is a convenient scapegoat – while the welfare state is under pressure. Europe makes England less important too, he says.We can't have enough information of all different kinds, especially the calm, rational kind. Devine explains how the once-solid union, built around Protestantism, defined by would-be European conquerers, cemented by trade and Anglo-Scots empire, underpinned by the Kirk, have all faded since the 1960s. So have Scotland's old heavy industries – for which Margaret Thatcher is a convenient scapegoat – while the welfare state is under pressure. Europe makes England less important too, he says.
Unlike some parochial commentators on both sides, Devine – who has always specialised in Scottish history since 1600 – is too smart and too honest not to acknowledge potential dangers for an independent Scotland ("Putin-esque sabre rattling and Islamic fanaticism") in the wider world or pretend that his beloved Scotland had a nasty sectarian strain until recently.Unlike some parochial commentators on both sides, Devine – who has always specialised in Scottish history since 1600 – is too smart and too honest not to acknowledge potential dangers for an independent Scotland ("Putin-esque sabre rattling and Islamic fanaticism") in the wider world or pretend that his beloved Scotland had a nasty sectarian strain until recently.
Chums assure me it has barely featured in the yes/no campaign, which is excellent – though Orange Order marches and occasional "Will the Catholic church swing it for yes?" articles suggest it is not quite dead, but certainly dormant in Alex Salmond's brave new world of civic nationalism.Chums assure me it has barely featured in the yes/no campaign, which is excellent – though Orange Order marches and occasional "Will the Catholic church swing it for yes?" articles suggest it is not quite dead, but certainly dormant in Alex Salmond's brave new world of civic nationalism.
Among historians hitting back is Prof Niall Ferguson, a Glasgow-born Scot and now a Harvard professor. He is the epitome of the cosmopolitan and clever emigré Scot – in contrast to Devine's mostly home-based career. He is also an arrogant fellow who carries a chip on his shoulder, despite his gifts and success. By temperament I'm with Devine (we're virtually twins). But the 68-year-old echoes an oft-made claim that should not go unchallenged.Among historians hitting back is Prof Niall Ferguson, a Glasgow-born Scot and now a Harvard professor. He is the epitome of the cosmopolitan and clever emigré Scot – in contrast to Devine's mostly home-based career. He is also an arrogant fellow who carries a chip on his shoulder, despite his gifts and success. By temperament I'm with Devine (we're virtually twins). But the 68-year-old echoes an oft-made claim that should not go unchallenged.
He speaks of English and Scottish political cultures diverging – adding to the stresses and strains of the union. You know the arguments by now: England has drifted towards neoliberal economics and shrill Ukip nationalism while Scotland is anchored in social democracy and looks to Scandinavia for inspiration. The state is more important to Scots, not the enemy it is sometimes seen as in England.He speaks of English and Scottish political cultures diverging – adding to the stresses and strains of the union. You know the arguments by now: England has drifted towards neoliberal economics and shrill Ukip nationalism while Scotland is anchored in social democracy and looks to Scandinavia for inspiration. The state is more important to Scots, not the enemy it is sometimes seen as in England.
"Lairdism and Leninism" was how a previous generation of Scots expressed this romantic vision of collectivist and paternalist mutual concern, though it glosses over such inconveniences as the notorious Highland clearances (by fellow-Scots) and the destruction of Scotland's once-mighty shipbuilding industry by poor management and absurdly militant unions. Not much Enlightenment meritocracy in all that. "Lairdism and Leninism" was how a previous generation of Scots expressed this romantic vision of collectivist and paternalist mutual concern, though it glosses over such inconveniences as the notorious Highland clearances (by fellow Scots) and the destruction of Scotland's once-mighty shipbuilding industry by poor management and absurdly militant unions. Not much Enlightenment meritocracy in all that.
Lovely though it is, the trouble with the "we're different" argument is that it does not square with the facts. Research repeatedly shows that the English, Welsh and Scots have very similar attitudes to most things – welfare, Europe, immigration, liberty versus authority and the rest. The 2013 British social attitudes survey, a more reliable guide than a Salmond speech, confirmed it. So will Devine's fellow-Edinburgh professor Ailsa Henderson's forthcoming paper, The Myth of Meritocratic Scotland. She has previously written on Quebec's 1995 referendum – and much else.Lovely though it is, the trouble with the "we're different" argument is that it does not square with the facts. Research repeatedly shows that the English, Welsh and Scots have very similar attitudes to most things – welfare, Europe, immigration, liberty versus authority and the rest. The 2013 British social attitudes survey, a more reliable guide than a Salmond speech, confirmed it. So will Devine's fellow-Edinburgh professor Ailsa Henderson's forthcoming paper, The Myth of Meritocratic Scotland. She has previously written on Quebec's 1995 referendum – and much else.
The point is different from political divergences. We all know old party allegiences are fracturing for a lot of reasons, but not the kind the yes camp promotes. Put it another way, a Ukip MEP was elected in Scotland this year. The point is different from political divergences. We all know old party allegiances are fracturing for a lot of reasons, but not the kind the yes camp promotes. Put it another way, a Ukip MEP was elected in Scotland this year.
Also, as Ferguson puts it, the Daily Mail sells more copies in Scotland than its loftier Scottish rivals. As for the union of 1707, both of Scotland's greatest 18th century sons, intellectuals Adam Smith and David Hume, were wary of petty nationalism and could see the opportunities the union had given ordinary Scots with their superior education system. Educated Scots still do pretty well.Also, as Ferguson puts it, the Daily Mail sells more copies in Scotland than its loftier Scottish rivals. As for the union of 1707, both of Scotland's greatest 18th century sons, intellectuals Adam Smith and David Hume, were wary of petty nationalism and could see the opportunities the union had given ordinary Scots with their superior education system. Educated Scots still do pretty well.
So what's it all about? The end of the cold war 25 years ago gave way to a vision of a Europe in which small states could prosper securely under the banner of the EU. That makes sense, or rather it did make sense. But in 2014 the EU is still picking itself out of a train crash, the US falters and Russia, run by a KGB graduate, is menacing former neighbours. Syria, Iraq, the murder of aid worker David Haines: the world is an uncertain place again.So what's it all about? The end of the cold war 25 years ago gave way to a vision of a Europe in which small states could prosper securely under the banner of the EU. That makes sense, or rather it did make sense. But in 2014 the EU is still picking itself out of a train crash, the US falters and Russia, run by a KGB graduate, is menacing former neighbours. Syria, Iraq, the murder of aid worker David Haines: the world is an uncertain place again.
Some explain the family feuds among the Britons as a classic example of a well-known condition described by Sigmund Freud. Humankind is reluctant to abandon its aggressive instincts, so it finds an outlet in hostility to near neighbours, the people we know best and who are most like ourselves. Freud called it "the narcissism of small difference".Some explain the family feuds among the Britons as a classic example of a well-known condition described by Sigmund Freud. Humankind is reluctant to abandon its aggressive instincts, so it finds an outlet in hostility to near neighbours, the people we know best and who are most like ourselves. Freud called it "the narcissism of small difference".