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In Divided Jerusalem, Rail Line for Arabs and Jews Is Among the Fractures In Divided Jerusalem, Rail Line for Arabs and Jews Is Among the Fractures
(about 1 month later)
JERUSALEM — So much here seems so broken right now: the peace process, the moral compass. JERUSALEM — So much here seems so broken right now: the peace process, the moral compass.
The Palestinian reconciliation pact is in tatters. The Israeli police force is having a crisis of public confidence. Houses of suspected Hamas militants in the Gaza Strip have been pulverized into piles of debris by Israeli airstrikes. Red alerts signaling long-range rockets from Gaza have canceled cultural events in Jerusalem and disrupted a wedding in a Tel Aviv suburb.The Palestinian reconciliation pact is in tatters. The Israeli police force is having a crisis of public confidence. Houses of suspected Hamas militants in the Gaza Strip have been pulverized into piles of debris by Israeli airstrikes. Red alerts signaling long-range rockets from Gaza have canceled cultural events in Jerusalem and disrupted a wedding in a Tel Aviv suburb.
Also, literally torn asunder is the Jerusalem light rail, certainly a minor casualty compared with the mounting death toll in Gaza, but one laden with symbolic meaning. The rail was once celebrated — at least by Israeli Jews — as an artery of coexistence in an otherwise hostile, divided city. But it turns out that many Palestinians resent it as part of what they see as Israel’s occupation of East Jerusalem — yet another example of how the two sides in this long-running conflict live disparate realities.Also, literally torn asunder is the Jerusalem light rail, certainly a minor casualty compared with the mounting death toll in Gaza, but one laden with symbolic meaning. The rail was once celebrated — at least by Israeli Jews — as an artery of coexistence in an otherwise hostile, divided city. But it turns out that many Palestinians resent it as part of what they see as Israel’s occupation of East Jerusalem — yet another example of how the two sides in this long-running conflict live disparate realities.
Since it opened three years ago, the light rail snaked through Arab and Jewish neighborhoods, forcing residents who hardly interacted otherwise to stand side by side, perhaps overhearing a cellphone conversation.Since it opened three years ago, the light rail snaked through Arab and Jewish neighborhoods, forcing residents who hardly interacted otherwise to stand side by side, perhaps overhearing a cellphone conversation.
But after this month’s predawn abduction and killing of a Palestinian 16-year-old in what the authorities charge was a revenge attack for the earlier abduction and murder of three Israeli teenagers, rioters in the Palestinian neighborhood of Shuafat destroyed the light-rail stations there.But after this month’s predawn abduction and killing of a Palestinian 16-year-old in what the authorities charge was a revenge attack for the earlier abduction and murder of three Israeli teenagers, rioters in the Palestinian neighborhood of Shuafat destroyed the light-rail stations there.
The route’s 23 stops have been cut to 16, and Arab faces have all but disappeared from the sleek silver trains gliding along the invisible Green Line that, before 1967, was the heavily guarded border between Israel and Jordan. CityPass, the company that runs the rail, has no timeline for restoring service; electronic signs and ticket machines were ripped out, traffic signals smashed, tracks uprooted and underground control rooms set ablaze.The route’s 23 stops have been cut to 16, and Arab faces have all but disappeared from the sleek silver trains gliding along the invisible Green Line that, before 1967, was the heavily guarded border between Israel and Jordan. CityPass, the company that runs the rail, has no timeline for restoring service; electronic signs and ticket machines were ripped out, traffic signals smashed, tracks uprooted and underground control rooms set ablaze.
“They did a good job breaking and burning everything,” said Ozel Vatik, the spokesman for CityPass.“They did a good job breaking and burning everything,” said Ozel Vatik, the spokesman for CityPass.
It may seem superficial to focus on this vandalism when the entire Israeli-Palestinian conflict has plunged to a depth not seen in a decade. Certainly more substantive is the escalation between Israel and Gaza, and the political divisions that may make curbing the violence this time more difficult.It may seem superficial to focus on this vandalism when the entire Israeli-Palestinian conflict has plunged to a depth not seen in a decade. Certainly more substantive is the escalation between Israel and Gaza, and the political divisions that may make curbing the violence this time more difficult.
But symbols are also important. In a city of 500,000 Jewish residents and 300,000 Arab residents — one often called “mixed” though “divided” is a more apt description — the light rail was, for some, a sign of progress: A rare sliver where devout and hedonistic, new arrivals and ancestral natives, soldiers and tourists and, yes, Palestinians and Jews paid the same $2 fare and watched out the same windows as they passed the ancient stones of Jerusalem’s Old City and the modern marvel of Santiago Calatrava’s “Bridge of Strings.”But symbols are also important. In a city of 500,000 Jewish residents and 300,000 Arab residents — one often called “mixed” though “divided” is a more apt description — the light rail was, for some, a sign of progress: A rare sliver where devout and hedonistic, new arrivals and ancestral natives, soldiers and tourists and, yes, Palestinians and Jews paid the same $2 fare and watched out the same windows as they passed the ancient stones of Jerusalem’s Old City and the modern marvel of Santiago Calatrava’s “Bridge of Strings.”
But to the Palestinians who obliterated the Shuafat station and the neighboring one at Es-Sahl — and to many of their neighbors — the light rail was seen not as a symbol of coexistence, but of oppression.But to the Palestinians who obliterated the Shuafat station and the neighboring one at Es-Sahl — and to many of their neighbors — the light rail was seen not as a symbol of coexistence, but of oppression.
“It doesn’t belong to us,” said Emad Jouni, 39, a social worker. He once rode the light rail to his office, but now, he says: “I will take buses, I will go by feet. I don’t care.”“It doesn’t belong to us,” said Emad Jouni, 39, a social worker. He once rode the light rail to his office, but now, he says: “I will take buses, I will go by feet. I don’t care.”
Mr. Jouni, who joined thousands at the funeral for Shuafat’s slain son, Muhammad Abu Khdeir, said the neighborhood never believed the trains were meant to serve it. People thought it passed through only so Jews could reach Pisgat Ze’ev, built on land to the north that Israel seized in 1967 and later annexed but that is considered by much of the world to be illegally occupied.Mr. Jouni, who joined thousands at the funeral for Shuafat’s slain son, Muhammad Abu Khdeir, said the neighborhood never believed the trains were meant to serve it. People thought it passed through only so Jews could reach Pisgat Ze’ev, built on land to the north that Israel seized in 1967 and later annexed but that is considered by much of the world to be illegally occupied.
It probably does not help that the company plans to first fix the tracks to allow trains to resume running to Pisgat Ze’ev, and only in a second stage to stop again in Shuafat.It probably does not help that the company plans to first fix the tracks to allow trains to resume running to Pisgat Ze’ev, and only in a second stage to stop again in Shuafat.
“Even if it seems like we benefit,” said Muhammad’s cousin Thawra, a 19-year-old nursing student at Hebrew University, “at the end of the day, it’s for them, because they don’t want us here.”“Even if it seems like we benefit,” said Muhammad’s cousin Thawra, a 19-year-old nursing student at Hebrew University, “at the end of the day, it’s for them, because they don’t want us here.”
Opened in 2011 after the usual development delays plus problems particular to the region — like a squabble over whether the East Jerusalem station names should be Hebrew or Arabic — the light rail cost an estimated $1 billion to build. Before the recent crisis, it had 140,000 riders daily.Opened in 2011 after the usual development delays plus problems particular to the region — like a squabble over whether the East Jerusalem station names should be Hebrew or Arabic — the light rail cost an estimated $1 billion to build. Before the recent crisis, it had 140,000 riders daily.
They did not hold hands and sing “Kumbaya.” Last year, Yossi Klein Halevi, a respected American-Israeli author, wrote about barely managing to stop a religious Jew from assaulting a young Arab man who was riding the rail with a young Jewish woman. Mr. Halevi, who himself is religious, was hit with pepper spray by a gathering mob, and, after identifying the culprit to the police, was told, “You’ve lost the world to come, and also this world.”They did not hold hands and sing “Kumbaya.” Last year, Yossi Klein Halevi, a respected American-Israeli author, wrote about barely managing to stop a religious Jew from assaulting a young Arab man who was riding the rail with a young Jewish woman. Mr. Halevi, who himself is religious, was hit with pepper spray by a gathering mob, and, after identifying the culprit to the police, was told, “You’ve lost the world to come, and also this world.”
Nearly a year before the Shuafat riots that shattered the city’s light-rail spine, Mr. Halevi wrote, “the streets of Jerusalem seem increasingly threatened with anarchy.”Nearly a year before the Shuafat riots that shattered the city’s light-rail spine, Mr. Halevi wrote, “the streets of Jerusalem seem increasingly threatened with anarchy.”
One day last week, before the intensification of Israel’s battle with Gaza, trains were still running, just not in Shuafat, and they were still packed. Two women’s rapid-fire Hebrew exchange was peppered with the words “intifada,” “Hamas” and “sheket” — quiet. An American with the head scarf of the modern Orthodox reported via cellphone that there seemed to be extra security guards.One day last week, before the intensification of Israel’s battle with Gaza, trains were still running, just not in Shuafat, and they were still packed. Two women’s rapid-fire Hebrew exchange was peppered with the words “intifada,” “Hamas” and “sheket” — quiet. An American with the head scarf of the modern Orthodox reported via cellphone that there seemed to be extra security guards.
A man in a black velvet skullcap nodded and moved his lips as he traced the lines in a Hebrew prayer book with his fingers. A backpacker took up too much room. There was chatter in Russian, French, Amharic — but not Arabic, not this day.A man in a black velvet skullcap nodded and moved his lips as he traced the lines in a Hebrew prayer book with his fingers. A backpacker took up too much room. There was chatter in Russian, French, Amharic — but not Arabic, not this day.
In the flexible space between cars, a handsome soldier stood with his weapon, unsmiling. Had he been part of the search crews that finally found the three boys’ bodies under a pile of rocks? Among the commandoes who arrested some 400 Palestinians in night raids? Might he soon be heading to Gaza if Israel’s battle with Hamas expands into a ground invasion?In the flexible space between cars, a handsome soldier stood with his weapon, unsmiling. Had he been part of the search crews that finally found the three boys’ bodies under a pile of rocks? Among the commandoes who arrested some 400 Palestinians in night raids? Might he soon be heading to Gaza if Israel’s battle with Hamas expands into a ground invasion?
The train now starts in Jerusalem’s north, one stop before Ammunition Hill, a former Jordanian military post that saw a fierce fight in 1967. It passes Damascus Gate, the entry to the Old City’s Arab bazaar.The train now starts in Jerusalem’s north, one stop before Ammunition Hill, a former Jordanian military post that saw a fierce fight in 1967. It passes Damascus Gate, the entry to the Old City’s Arab bazaar.
After City Hall, breathing space disappears as passengers crowd the cars lumbering between the cafes and shops of Jaffa Road, and to the famed Mahane Yehuda food market. Last stop: Mount Herzl, Israel’s national cemetery, named for the founder of Zionism — a short walk from the forest where Muhammad’s charred body was found.After City Hall, breathing space disappears as passengers crowd the cars lumbering between the cafes and shops of Jaffa Road, and to the famed Mahane Yehuda food market. Last stop: Mount Herzl, Israel’s national cemetery, named for the founder of Zionism — a short walk from the forest where Muhammad’s charred body was found.
There, waiting amid the lunchtime crowd that day, was a Muslim woman in her 30s, her hijab taupe with sequins forming hearts. Fashionable sunglasses were propped on her forehead, a colorful leather bag slung over a shoulder. Did she feel vulnerable, in this sea of Jews, at this tense time? Or just annoyed to be waiting 10 minutes for a train?There, waiting amid the lunchtime crowd that day, was a Muslim woman in her 30s, her hijab taupe with sequins forming hearts. Fashionable sunglasses were propped on her forehead, a colorful leather bag slung over a shoulder. Did she feel vulnerable, in this sea of Jews, at this tense time? Or just annoyed to be waiting 10 minutes for a train?
The woman and her companion, who seemed too young for his cane, boarded quickly and secured two fold-down seats. As they talked, her grin revealed a deep dimple in one cheek.The woman and her companion, who seemed too young for his cane, boarded quickly and secured two fold-down seats. As they talked, her grin revealed a deep dimple in one cheek.
They got off at Mahane Yehuda, whose spice bins lace Palestinian and Israeli cuisine alike.They got off at Mahane Yehuda, whose spice bins lace Palestinian and Israeli cuisine alike.