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Scottish leaders push for more women in business and quangos, but what about politics? | Scottish leaders push for more women in business and quangos, but what about politics? |
(2 months later) | |
The debate over the status of women in positions of power in Scotland has become a prominent issue in the independence debate – women are underrepresented in boardrooms, public bodies and in political life. | |
Gender equality has been pushed up the agenda by Nicola Sturgeon, the deputy first minister, arguing for new targets of 40% representation in Scottish boardrooms. | |
Sturgeon nudged that agenda further along with a “women's cabinet” in Edinburgh last Monday, while Shona Robison, the sports minister recently elevated to that cabinet, is leading the quest for 40% representation in public bodies. Meanwhile, ministers mull over legally-set quotas for quangos and potentially business. | |
The question of Holyrood's gender balance became immensely topical after Bill Walker's resignation as MSP for Dunfermline after his domestic violence convictions: Labour, the Scottish National party, Lib Dems and Greens chose women candidates for October's byelection in a deliberate political gesture. Labour and the SNP contrived to have all-women shortlists. | |
Driven by Sturgeon's efforts to promote a more inclusive politics in the independence referendum and the boardroom quota question (mindful particularly of the often markedly lower levels of female support for independence), the Scottish government has increased its female membership to 40%. | |
Alex Salmond did so at his party's spring conference in April by the simple expedient method of expanding the cabinet from eight to 10: promoting junior ministers Shona Robison and Angela Constance, rather than replacing any genuinely senior male cabinet ministers or increasing the overall number of ministers. | |
But what are the parties actually doing on gender equality in their own ranks, to actively and deliberately increase the number of women in politics? Is the Scottish National party, now taking a lead on this in some areas of public life after seven years in government, setting a definitive example? | |
In its inaugural year, 1999, Holyrood set the bar on gender balance, with 37% of its 129 members women. Half of Labour MSPs were women and 43% of the SNP's. But in the 2011 Holyrood elections, the number of women was very close the record low of 33% in 2007: 45 women took seats in the Scottish parliament, or just under 35% of those elected. | |
Amongst the party and parliamentary leadership, Holyrood has strong female representation: Scottish Labour is led by Johann Lamont; the Scottish Tories by Ruth Davidson; the parliament's presiding officer is Tricia Marwick, while deputy first minister Nicola Sturgeon is the clear front-runner to replace Alex Salmond as SNP leader. | |
Yet the backbenches are male dominated. The current proportions are: SNP 17 women out of 65 seats (26%); Labour 18 women out of 38 (47%); Scottish Tories six out of 15 (40%); Scottish Liberal Democrats one out of five (20%) and Scottish Greens one out of two (50%). | |
A survey of all five political parties at Holyrood has found that the SNP has amongst the weakest strategies in place on gender equality – if the parties are to be put to the same tests and targets Sturgeon and Salmond apply to Scottish business and civic life. | |
Our survey found the SNP trails Labour, the Scottish Green party and the Liberal Democrats on its gender equality; with no positive action rules in place, is only ahead of the Tories. | |
The three other parties have introduced “zipping” - the policy where candidates on regional lists are ranked by alternating gender; in Labour's case, some all-women shortlists; and fixed targets, by the Scottish Greens. | |
The academics Meryl Kenny and Fiona Mackay discussed this in their Gender Politics blog last year: | The academics Meryl Kenny and Fiona Mackay discussed this in their Gender Politics blog last year: |
Quotas have not caught on across political parties. For example, the SNP has not implemented any measures to promote women’s representation in Scottish parliament elections (either formal or informal) since its one-off informal action in the run-up to the first elections in 1999. | |
The Liberal Democrats have a ‘softer’ gender-balanced shortlisting policy in place, which is inconsistently applied. And the Scottish Conservatives have never used equality measures. | |
Only Labour has consistently implemented strong gender quota measures in all Scottish parliament elections, but, post-1999, these have been ‘low cost’ measures aimed at the regional lists (where until 2011, the party has not won many seats). | |
The duo have mapped women MSPs numbers since the first Scottish parliament in 1999: | |
The strong perception amongst feminist academics and women's groups is that the SNP's leadership, specifically Alex Salmond, is unwilling to confront party activists on this by pressing for far more active policies on gender. | The strong perception amongst feminist academics and women's groups is that the SNP's leadership, specifically Alex Salmond, is unwilling to confront party activists on this by pressing for far more active policies on gender. |
It might risk a fight with its rank and file over Nato membership at a party conference, but not on positive action. | It might risk a fight with its rank and file over Nato membership at a party conference, but not on positive action. |
We asked the five parties three questions: | |
The summarised responses from the five parties were as follows: | |
Scottish Green party | Scottish Green party |
It said its policy on gender equality has been in the party constitution since 2004: | |
The constitution says that in an election 40% of candidates generally must be of either gender, and, for winnable seats, at least 50% of candidates have to be women. | |
We aim for balanced shortlists, and zip for list elections such as Scottish parliament regions and Europe. | |
Our position on gender equality for elections is fairly advanced but is open to review through our annual conference. | |
It has no MPs or MEPs. | It has no MPs or MEPs. |
Scottish Labour | Scottish Labour |
At UK level, the party has no targets or quotas for women MPs. It uses all-women shortlists for some Commons seats – either chosen by local parties or on orders from Labour's national executive committee – but on a case by case basis. | |
For European elections, run using regional lists elected by proportional representation, it has a formal policy of zipping its candidates. Its gender balance at Westminster is the best of the Scottish parties, with nine out of 39 seats held by women, yet still just 29%. Thanks to zipping, it has one male and one female MEP in Scotland. | |
The Scottish party has a more proactive policy than the UK party on Holyrood selections: | The Scottish party has a more proactive policy than the UK party on Holyrood selections: |
In November 2013, the Scottish executive committee introduced the selection procedure for the Holyrood elections in 2016. All vacant seats were twinned, ensuring that at least half of those candidates selected would be women. | |
The SEC reaffirmed the previous selection policy with regard to the regional list, where the lists were ‘zipped’ by gender, with a woman being top of the vacancies on each regional list. | |
The selection process is kept under constant review by the SEC. There are currently no plans to review the selection process for the Holyrood elections in 2016. | |
Scottish Liberal Democrats | Scottish Liberal Democrats |
It says the party's UK federal executive has set up a taskforce to drive up women MPs numbers, including extra post-selection support and tailored training for women and LGBT candidates, as well as a Winning Women leadership programme, which reports to every executive meeting and federal conference. It has not introduced zipping. | |
Its headline policies are: | Its headline policies are: |
a target of 40% of held seats where the sitting MP stands down, and seats requiring a swing of less than 7.5% to win, be fought by women candidates at the next general election; | |
We have a long standing rule of 40% women on any short list. We have seen an increase in female candidates because of this. In the Donside, Dunfermline and Cowdenbeath by-elections we had female candidates. We have also selected female candidates to fight several seats at the 2015 and 2016 elections in Scotland. | |
Of its 11 Scottish MPs at Westminster, one is a women. It no longer has an MEP. | |
Scottish National party | Scottish National party |
It said it prided itself on having strong women at the forefront of the party, citing Winnie Ewing, Margo MacDonald and Margaret Bain, but it has no positive action rules on candidate selection: | |
Our gender equality strategy was introduced in July 2012 with the aim of improving the gender balance of the SNP across our membership, activist base, among office bearers, and our elected representatives, and to increase support for the SNP and independence among women. | |
Among other changes, the strategy introduced a national women’s officer on the national executive committee [Tasmina Ahmed-Sheikh] to oversee the implementation of the strategy, along with women’s officers in each branch. | |
The gender quality strategy also introduced the women’s academy, which includes a training and mentoring scheme. The first conference of the women’s academy was held in September last year and hundreds of SNP women attended. Through the women’s academy, SNP women of all ages are encourages and supported to become activists, office bearers and candidates. | |
The SNP has only one female MP out of six at Westminster. It has no women MEPs: Ahmed-Sheikh missed out being the SNP's third MEP by 32,000 votes to Ukip. | |
Scottish Tory party | Scottish Tory party |
It said: | It said: |
Scottish Conservatives do not believe in positive discrimination and we do not select our candidates based on anything apart from merit. We want to attract candidates of the highest calibre, irrespective of gender, ethnicity, nationality, age, sexuality, marital status or disability. | |
We are non-discriminatory in our approach to candidate selection. We do not operate any specific positive action mechanism to encourage candidates based on any characteristic. We do, however, engage with a range of organisations to encourage wider interest in politics. | |
If you look at the statistics amongst Scottish Conservatives, they compare favourably with other parties in terms of women representation. | |
It has only one Scottish MP: David Mundell, and one MEP, Ian Duncan. | |
Action on much poorer gender balance and diversity in local government remains less clear cut: most of the parties did promise action after the 2012 council elections. But with thousands of councillors involved, and under-resourced patchy local resources, the parties admit it may take about a decade for serious change. | |
In article for the forthcoming August edition of the journal Scottish Affairs, Kenny writes: | |
Any progress on women’s representation since the first elections to the Scottish parliament, then, has been brought about more by accident than design, and gender quotas and gender balance remain poorly institutionalised within Scottish parties... | |
There is little sign, however, that these issues are a high priority in Scottish constitutional debates. The Scottish government has made the argument that independence is necessary to facilitate the introduction of corporate gender quotas, yet has not made a similar push for parliamentary gender quotas, where a similar logic applies. The white paper on independence also does not address the issue of women’s participation in political life. | |
She concludes: | She concludes: |
Regardless of the outcome of the referendum, women’s political representation and gender quotas should be on the agenda. | |
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