Altaf Hussain: Pakistan's admired and detested 'leader of the nation'

http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/jun/06/altaf-hussain-pakistan-karachi-mqm-rule-of-fear

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Karachi received the news of the arrest in London of Altaf Hussain – the leader of the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) – with great fear. Life in Pakistan's largest city came to a screeching halt as markets closed, offices were vacated and roads overflowed with citizens frantically trying to get home amid protests by MQM supporters. I immediately called my family to check if everyone was safe. Of course, like the rest of the city, they were glued to the TV watching news item after news item, with updates on every tiny piece of information that local stations could glean.

My first memory of Hussain was, aged 11, hearing news of "Operation Clean-Up" in the early 1990s. I did not realise at the time that this period would be the deadliest in the history of the city, the scars of which would haunt its citizens for a long time.

The gruesome government operation, which hunted down MQM members, lasted about two years. Numerous activists were arrested or killed. Around this time Hussain fled to London and has remained there in self-imposed exile ever since.

But what exactly is the MQM, and why did the government see it as such a threat? For this we have to go back to 1947 when Karachi became home to migrants who moved to Pakistan from India at the time of partition. These mohajirs – "refugees" – quickly came to dominate in both Karachi and Hyderabad, securing positions in the civil service. As a result a quota system was introduced to ensure participation in government by locals – much to the dismay of the mohajirs.

As the frustration grew, mohajir students of the University of Karachi created their own student wing, the All Pakistan Mohajir Students Organisation, in 1978. This became the Mohajir Qaumi Movement, and eventually the Muttahida Qaumi Movement. The party was immensely popular in the majority mohajir city of Karachi, winning local elections in 1987. It remained successful even after accusations of political violence and extortion from businesses.

The first blow to its reputation came in the elections of 2002, when the party decided to side with President Musharraf: turnout was low even in MQM-dominated cities, and critics accused the party of opportunistic politics. But siding with the army-led government gave MQM the power it needed to show its true colours. At the time I visited the party's HQ I met an old woman who had come to file a complaint against her son for returning home late. There were more baffling tales from people waiting to share their woes with MQM representatives. It seemed as if the party had a solution for every problem, from disobedient sons to blocked sewage pipes.

MQM comfortably won the 2005 local elections, and the citizens of Karachi saw the city thrive under its governance. The party continued to enjoy widespread support – until the second blow to its reputation, on 12 May 2007. At least 40 people were killed on a single day as riots broke out in Karachi and MQM workers fought with rivals from the Pakistan People's party and Awami National party over the right to hold a rally on the day the PPP announced it was adopting Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry – suspended from the supreme court on the orders of Musharraf.

However, as the party's rule of fear tightened, its support base began to dwindle. The proof came in the 2013 elections when the MQM vote fell by 10%. Imran Khan's Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf has now emerged as a serious competitor in parts of Karachi.

As times change, so has MQM – evolving from a regional ethnic party to a national secular one that claims to represent the middle classes – a rare combination in Pakistan's political landscape. But despite its national growth, Karachi remains the stronghold. The way this mighty city has been paralysed by news of Hussain's arrest is a reminder of how his name and that of his party have become synonymous with the city.

For his supporters he is a "leader of the nation". For his worst critics he is Mario Puzo's Godfather. The city that created him continues to admire, detest and fear him at the same time.