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| Resigned to Dreary Fate, Students Awoke as Word Spread From Beijing | Resigned to Dreary Fate, Students Awoke as Word Spread From Beijing |
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| BEIJING — They were the children of poor farmers and factory workers, the first in their families to attend college, and for that they were grateful. But in the spring of 1989, the students at Hubei University, a provincial college in the Yangtze River city of Wuhan, were jaded beyond their years. | |
| Their cynicism was stoked by intrusive government controls over nearly every aspect of life and the systemic corruption that favored personal connections over hard work and talent. As they neared graduation, many dreaded their predetermined futures: Most would be dispatched to the countryside as low-paid middle school teachers, with the exception of a privileged few. | Their cynicism was stoked by intrusive government controls over nearly every aspect of life and the systemic corruption that favored personal connections over hard work and talent. As they neared graduation, many dreaded their predetermined futures: Most would be dispatched to the countryside as low-paid middle school teachers, with the exception of a privileged few. |
| But that April, as word of the student protests shaking Beijing reached Wuhan, their world-weary outlooks brightened. Words like “democracy” and “freedom” were excitedly bandied about the school cafeteria, and a few older students defied administrators and traveled 700 miles north to join the throngs in Tiananmen Square. In mid-May, after the students stopped going to class, the shabby campus took on a carnival air, with a new crop of hand-scrawled posters demanding political reform appearing on walls and lampposts each morning. | But that April, as word of the student protests shaking Beijing reached Wuhan, their world-weary outlooks brightened. Words like “democracy” and “freedom” were excitedly bandied about the school cafeteria, and a few older students defied administrators and traveled 700 miles north to join the throngs in Tiananmen Square. In mid-May, after the students stopped going to class, the shabby campus took on a carnival air, with a new crop of hand-scrawled posters demanding political reform appearing on walls and lampposts each morning. |
| I was a 23-year-old English teacher at Hubei University, and until that spring, I had thought my students were hopelessly quiescent, cowed by the suffocating repression and resigned to their dreary fates. “We need to let the leaders in Beijing know that the young people of this country are willing to die for freedom,” said one of my students, David, a 19-year-old English major who became an organizer of the civil disobedience that swept the campus. | I was a 23-year-old English teacher at Hubei University, and until that spring, I had thought my students were hopelessly quiescent, cowed by the suffocating repression and resigned to their dreary fates. “We need to let the leaders in Beijing know that the young people of this country are willing to die for freedom,” said one of my students, David, a 19-year-old English major who became an organizer of the civil disobedience that swept the campus. |
| One of his boldest moves was to orchestrate a takeover of the campus public address system. He and a band of young collaborators renamed it “rebel radio,” and their dawn-to-dusk broadcasts criticized the Communist Party while exhorting classmates to join the daily protests that would later block the sole rail line across the Yangtze. | One of his boldest moves was to orchestrate a takeover of the campus public address system. He and a band of young collaborators renamed it “rebel radio,” and their dawn-to-dusk broadcasts criticized the Communist Party while exhorting classmates to join the daily protests that would later block the sole rail line across the Yangtze. |
| The momentous upheaval 25 years ago that brought hundreds of thousands of demonstrators to the heart of the Chinese capital has been well documented, thanks to the large foreign press corps that was based in Beijing. But less well known is that the protests against inflation and official corruption took place across the nation, paralyzing cities large and small for nearly two months that spring. | The momentous upheaval 25 years ago that brought hundreds of thousands of demonstrators to the heart of the Chinese capital has been well documented, thanks to the large foreign press corps that was based in Beijing. But less well known is that the protests against inflation and official corruption took place across the nation, paralyzing cities large and small for nearly two months that spring. |
| In Jiamusi, a small city in the northeastern province of Heilongjiang, which borders Russia, 5,200 students took to the streets on May 18 and 19, according to party documents recently published by Dui Hua, an organization based in the United States. In the provincial capital, Harbin, the number of demonstrators swelled to more than 100,000. | In Jiamusi, a small city in the northeastern province of Heilongjiang, which borders Russia, 5,200 students took to the streets on May 18 and 19, according to party documents recently published by Dui Hua, an organization based in the United States. In the provincial capital, Harbin, the number of demonstrators swelled to more than 100,000. |
| In her book “The People’s Republic of Amnesia,” Louisa Lim devotes a chapter to the tumult in Chengdu, the capital of the southwestern province of Sichuan, where day after day students, teachers and workers converged around a giant statue of Mao at Tianfu Square. Later, 1,700 students joined a hunger strike there in solidarity with those in Beijing. | In her book “The People’s Republic of Amnesia,” Louisa Lim devotes a chapter to the tumult in Chengdu, the capital of the southwestern province of Sichuan, where day after day students, teachers and workers converged around a giant statue of Mao at Tianfu Square. Later, 1,700 students joined a hunger strike there in solidarity with those in Beijing. |
| “Protesting became so commonplace that in certain circles, the standard greeting, ‘Have you eaten yet?’ was sometimes half-jokingly replaced by, ‘Have you demonstrated yet?' ” she wrote. | “Protesting became so commonplace that in certain circles, the standard greeting, ‘Have you eaten yet?’ was sometimes half-jokingly replaced by, ‘Have you demonstrated yet?' ” she wrote. |
| As in Beijing, the demonstrations in Chengdu were violently crushed, leaving as many as 300 people dead and scores of others arrested, a number of whom were promptly executed, according to Ms. Lim’s research. | As in Beijing, the demonstrations in Chengdu were violently crushed, leaving as many as 300 people dead and scores of others arrested, a number of whom were promptly executed, according to Ms. Lim’s research. |
| An internal history of the military’s role in the turmoil, smuggled out of China and recently acquired by Princeton University, devotes several pages to Wuhan, the gritty manufacturing hub famous for its broiling summers and as the setting of Mao’s fabled swim across the Yangtze when he was well into his 70s. Known for its large concentration of colleges and technical institutes, Wuhan also has a history of incubating political turmoil, including the Wuchang Uprising of 1911, which led to the demise of the Qing dynasty. | An internal history of the military’s role in the turmoil, smuggled out of China and recently acquired by Princeton University, devotes several pages to Wuhan, the gritty manufacturing hub famous for its broiling summers and as the setting of Mao’s fabled swim across the Yangtze when he was well into his 70s. Known for its large concentration of colleges and technical institutes, Wuhan also has a history of incubating political turmoil, including the Wuchang Uprising of 1911, which led to the demise of the Qing dynasty. |
| According to the army documents, students from 32 colleges and universities participated in the marches and sit-ins that began on April 19 and continued through June 7, three days after troops had brought Beijing under control through brute force. The denouement in Wuhan was not as bloody, but hundreds of protesters were arrested and jailed. The lives of many of my students would never be the same. | According to the army documents, students from 32 colleges and universities participated in the marches and sit-ins that began on April 19 and continued through June 7, three days after troops had brought Beijing under control through brute force. The denouement in Wuhan was not as bloody, but hundreds of protesters were arrested and jailed. The lives of many of my students would never be the same. |
| Most of the city’s schools were spread out along the east side of the Yangtze in the Wuchang district. On the west bank rose Hankou, the European-style commercial district built by British, French and other foreign merchants in the early 20th century. Getting from one side to the other often involved a 10-minute ferry ride. | Most of the city’s schools were spread out along the east side of the Yangtze in the Wuchang district. On the west bank rose Hankou, the European-style commercial district built by British, French and other foreign merchants in the early 20th century. Getting from one side to the other often involved a 10-minute ferry ride. |
| The city’s diffuse layout — and the lack of a central ceremonial square — helped turn the early marches into meandering affairs. Columns of students carrying banners would wind through Hankou, vent their fury at the provincial government headquarters or pass the gates of the city’s sprawling steel plant, where supportive workers would toss out money and cigarettes. | The city’s diffuse layout — and the lack of a central ceremonial square — helped turn the early marches into meandering affairs. Columns of students carrying banners would wind through Hankou, vent their fury at the provincial government headquarters or pass the gates of the city’s sprawling steel plant, where supportive workers would toss out money and cigarettes. |
| But the inchoate anger eventually coalesced at First Bridge, a 1950s-era monument to the Communist Party’s achievements and the only span to cross the wide, mud-colored river. The bridge also carried the train tracks that connected Beijing to Guangzhou, the umbilical cord between north and south. | But the inchoate anger eventually coalesced at First Bridge, a 1950s-era monument to the Communist Party’s achievements and the only span to cross the wide, mud-colored river. The bridge also carried the train tracks that connected Beijing to Guangzhou, the umbilical cord between north and south. |
| Like those in Beijing, the protests in Wuhan were triggered by the sudden death of Hu Yaobang, the former Communist Party secretary who had been sidelined two years earlier for his liberal leanings. With newspapers heavily censored, my students learned about the outpouring of public grief in Beijing through Voice of America and the BBC. The next day, I was stunned to find dozens of students on a sports field, heads bowed in silence and holding banners that called for Mr. Hu’s rehabilitation. | Like those in Beijing, the protests in Wuhan were triggered by the sudden death of Hu Yaobang, the former Communist Party secretary who had been sidelined two years earlier for his liberal leanings. With newspapers heavily censored, my students learned about the outpouring of public grief in Beijing through Voice of America and the BBC. The next day, I was stunned to find dozens of students on a sports field, heads bowed in silence and holding banners that called for Mr. Hu’s rehabilitation. |
| On April 23, a Sunday, some of the bolder students ignored the school’s vice president and the police who stood at the gate and joined a mourning procession that quickly morphed into a protest, with hundreds of students shouting demands for political change. As the protests turned into a daily diversion, school administrators called upon young party members to intervene. I was surprised to learn that Fred, one of my most open-minded students, was a Communist Party member and had been selected to stop classmates from attending a large rally planned for May 4. He was not happy about the assignment, and the night before, he came to my room and asked me to accompany him to the protests. “We can just say you needed me for protection,” he said earnestly. I declined the offer. | On April 23, a Sunday, some of the bolder students ignored the school’s vice president and the police who stood at the gate and joined a mourning procession that quickly morphed into a protest, with hundreds of students shouting demands for political change. As the protests turned into a daily diversion, school administrators called upon young party members to intervene. I was surprised to learn that Fred, one of my most open-minded students, was a Communist Party member and had been selected to stop classmates from attending a large rally planned for May 4. He was not happy about the assignment, and the night before, he came to my room and asked me to accompany him to the protests. “We can just say you needed me for protection,” he said earnestly. I declined the offer. |
| In the middle of this tumult, I returned to the United States to attend my sister’s wedding. I came back to China 10 days later, at the beginning of June, with copies of Newsweek, Time and other American publications that featured the Beijing protests on their covers. The magazines were instantly turned into protest props that were held aloft as proof that the world was watching. | In the middle of this tumult, I returned to the United States to attend my sister’s wedding. I came back to China 10 days later, at the beginning of June, with copies of Newsweek, Time and other American publications that featured the Beijing protests on their covers. The magazines were instantly turned into protest props that were held aloft as proof that the world was watching. |
| The exuberance was cut short two days later when news of the military onslaught in Beijing arrived, via the Voice of America, with reports that hundreds, if not more, had been killed. While state television ran an eerie loop of news stories about record-breaking agricultural production, the rebel radio station played a funeral dirge. Word spread across campus that as many as a dozen Hubei University students were among the dead in Beijing. | The exuberance was cut short two days later when news of the military onslaught in Beijing arrived, via the Voice of America, with reports that hundreds, if not more, had been killed. While state television ran an eerie loop of news stories about record-breaking agricultural production, the rebel radio station played a funeral dirge. Word spread across campus that as many as a dozen Hubei University students were among the dead in Beijing. |
| Rather than duck for cover, the students went back to the streets, this time converging on the Yangtze River bridge with renewed vehemence. “Hard to believe these are the same lazy, apathetic students I once knew,” I wrote in my journal on June 5. | Rather than duck for cover, the students went back to the streets, this time converging on the Yangtze River bridge with renewed vehemence. “Hard to believe these are the same lazy, apathetic students I once knew,” I wrote in my journal on June 5. |
| They were also hopelessly naïve. A rebel radio broadcast that morning called on classmates with access to weapons to join a group of students prepared to fight to the death. Others volunteered for a “suicide squad” that sat in front of the idling locomotives, face to face with the police. | They were also hopelessly naïve. A rebel radio broadcast that morning called on classmates with access to weapons to join a group of students prepared to fight to the death. Others volunteered for a “suicide squad” that sat in front of the idling locomotives, face to face with the police. |
| Their efforts had the desired impact: According to the army documents, the bridge was blocked for a total of 200 hours. But on June 7, the protests turned violent. The crowd heaved a retaining wall onto the tracks, buses were turned into barricades, and at least one vehicle was set on fire. According to the army documents, the crowd chanted “counterrevolutionary speeches” and “reactionary slogans.” | Their efforts had the desired impact: According to the army documents, the bridge was blocked for a total of 200 hours. But on June 7, the protests turned violent. The crowd heaved a retaining wall onto the tracks, buses were turned into barricades, and at least one vehicle was set on fire. According to the army documents, the crowd chanted “counterrevolutionary speeches” and “reactionary slogans.” |
| “For a time, the Wuchang section of the bridge was covered by a sea of people, and it was utter chaos,” the documents said. | “For a time, the Wuchang section of the bridge was covered by a sea of people, and it was utter chaos,” the documents said. |
| By the afternoon, government officials and plainclothes police officers had infiltrated the crowd, warning people of the impending arrival of two divisions of armed troops. Panic spread among the students, and after one last volley of rock-throwing, security forces gained the upper hand. By sundown, the game was over, and the bridge had been reopened. | By the afternoon, government officials and plainclothes police officers had infiltrated the crowd, warning people of the impending arrival of two divisions of armed troops. Panic spread among the students, and after one last volley of rock-throwing, security forces gained the upper hand. By sundown, the game was over, and the bridge had been reopened. |
| The crackdown that followed was swift and merciless. Administrators ordered the students back to campus, telling them they would be denied their diplomas if they stayed away. Then public security officials quickly went to work, rounding up the protest leaders. The alleged masterminds received jail terms of two to three years, while those who had simply joined the marches were forced to take factory jobs. | The crackdown that followed was swift and merciless. Administrators ordered the students back to campus, telling them they would be denied their diplomas if they stayed away. Then public security officials quickly went to work, rounding up the protest leaders. The alleged masterminds received jail terms of two to three years, while those who had simply joined the marches were forced to take factory jobs. |
| More than two decades later, many former students work as middle school teachers. A few used their English skills to land jobs at private companies, where they translate technical manuals into Chinese. During a conversation last week, one of my former students said that most of his classmates had missed out on the economic boom that enriched the lives of those with better connections or degrees from more esteemed educational institutions. I asked if he could pass on a message to some of my former students, especially those involved with the rebel radio station, so we might reminisce about what happened 25 years ago. | More than two decades later, many former students work as middle school teachers. A few used their English skills to land jobs at private companies, where they translate technical manuals into Chinese. During a conversation last week, one of my former students said that most of his classmates had missed out on the economic boom that enriched the lives of those with better connections or degrees from more esteemed educational institutions. I asked if he could pass on a message to some of my former students, especially those involved with the rebel radio station, so we might reminisce about what happened 25 years ago. |
| A few days later, he called back to say the students were not interested. “They are afraid to talk about that time,” my friend said. “They said that period of history is better left forgotten.” | A few days later, he called back to say the students were not interested. “They are afraid to talk about that time,” my friend said. “They said that period of history is better left forgotten.” |