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Spain shows that the 'anti-politics' vote is not a monopoly of the right Spain shows that the 'anti-politics' vote is not a monopoly of the right
(35 minutes later)
The disturbing advance by the far-right in Britain, France and Denmark in this week's European elections has been linked to a reaction against established politics. Specifically, it is against two political convergences by the mainstream left and right. First, over neoliberal economic and social policy, which has led to greater inequality, insecurity and poverty, particularly under austerity; and second, over the undesirability of immigration. The former has led to a growing detachment from politics for many; the latter has helped to usher the least liberal of the disengaged into the hands of those posing as the anti-establishment.The disturbing advance by the far-right in Britain, France and Denmark in this week's European elections has been linked to a reaction against established politics. Specifically, it is against two political convergences by the mainstream left and right. First, over neoliberal economic and social policy, which has led to greater inequality, insecurity and poverty, particularly under austerity; and second, over the undesirability of immigration. The former has led to a growing detachment from politics for many; the latter has helped to usher the least liberal of the disengaged into the hands of those posing as the anti-establishment.
Fortunately, the latest elections confirm that detachment from the traditional political order does not just go rightwards. In Greece it was the radical-left party Syriza that topped the poll with 27%, leaving the once-dominant Pasok with 8%. In Portugal and the Netherlands opposition socialist parties overtook those in the centre.Fortunately, the latest elections confirm that detachment from the traditional political order does not just go rightwards. In Greece it was the radical-left party Syriza that topped the poll with 27%, leaving the once-dominant Pasok with 8%. In Portugal and the Netherlands opposition socialist parties overtook those in the centre.
The results in Spain were particularly noteworthy. The two parties that have dominated politics since the end of Franco's dictatorship – the ruling conservative People's party (PP) and the Spanish Socialist Workers' party (PSOE) – saw their share of the vote plummet from 81% of the total in 2009 to 50%. Many PSOE votes transferred to the mainly Communist United Left (IU) – whose share rose to 10% – and smaller parties such as the pro-independence Catalan Republican Left (ERC), which came first in Catalonia.The results in Spain were particularly noteworthy. The two parties that have dominated politics since the end of Franco's dictatorship – the ruling conservative People's party (PP) and the Spanish Socialist Workers' party (PSOE) – saw their share of the vote plummet from 81% of the total in 2009 to 50%. Many PSOE votes transferred to the mainly Communist United Left (IU) – whose share rose to 10% – and smaller parties such as the pro-independence Catalan Republican Left (ERC), which came first in Catalonia.
The bombshell, however, was the 1.2m votes (8%) that went to an inspiring new organisation based on opposition to austerity and "the political caste": Podemos (We Can). It had only existed for four months, its campaign budget was a fraction of those of the other parties, and it received almost no media coverage (something that has radically changed since). It is now the third party in several regions, including Madrid and Asturias.The bombshell, however, was the 1.2m votes (8%) that went to an inspiring new organisation based on opposition to austerity and "the political caste": Podemos (We Can). It had only existed for four months, its campaign budget was a fraction of those of the other parties, and it received almost no media coverage (something that has radically changed since). It is now the third party in several regions, including Madrid and Asturias.
Podemos was launched by Pablo Iglesias, who gained mass popularity by savaging establishment politicians and journalists on the alternative TV programme he hosts, along with members of the revolutionary Izquierda Anticapitalista (Anticapitalist Left). The aim of this audacious radical project was to turn a "social majority into a political majority". Yet the defining feature of Podemos has been its roots in the 15-M (Indignados) movement that occupied city squares in 2011, in which most of its activists participated. Podemos was launched by Pablo Iglesias, who gained mass popularity through hosting alternative TV debates and by savaging establishment politicians and journalists on mainstream shows, along with members of the revolutionary Izquierda Anticapitalista (Anticapitalist Left) and other activists. The aim of this audacious radical project was to turn a "social majority into a political majority". Yet the defining feature of Podemos has been its roots in the 15-M (Indignados) movement that occupied city squares in 2011, in which most of its activists participated.
The 15-M fought the lack of "real democracy" in the May elections that year, using the slogan "they [the politicians] don't represent us". In opposition to the methods of "representative politics", protests were organised through mass participatory democracy, as have those of subsequent social movements. This spirit has infused the activity of 400 Podemos "circles" (local groups) set up across Spain and among young emigres in several European cities. Around 33,000 people participated in open primaries to select electoral candidates consisting of "ordinary non-politicians".The 15-M fought the lack of "real democracy" in the May elections that year, using the slogan "they [the politicians] don't represent us". In opposition to the methods of "representative politics", protests were organised through mass participatory democracy, as have those of subsequent social movements. This spirit has infused the activity of 400 Podemos "circles" (local groups) set up across Spain and among young emigres in several European cities. Around 33,000 people participated in open primaries to select electoral candidates consisting of "ordinary non-politicians".
Such an approach was initially met with derision by politicians. Madrid's mayor, Ana Botella, tried to mobilise conservative voters during the election campaign, arguing that "many of those who have been doing anti-politics are going to stand in elections", and suggesting that they ignore constant talk that "politics is of no use" and "the institutions do not matter". The Financial Times described the PSOE leader who announced his resignation on Monday as being a "victim of the broader backlash against mainstream parties". IU "consulted" the electoral commission about the legality of Iglesias's TV appearances during the campaign.Such an approach was initially met with derision by politicians. Madrid's mayor, Ana Botella, tried to mobilise conservative voters during the election campaign, arguing that "many of those who have been doing anti-politics are going to stand in elections", and suggesting that they ignore constant talk that "politics is of no use" and "the institutions do not matter". The Financial Times described the PSOE leader who announced his resignation on Monday as being a "victim of the broader backlash against mainstream parties". IU "consulted" the electoral commission about the legality of Iglesias's TV appearances during the campaign.
Podemos's relationship with the IU is now a strategic issue. Previous negotiations to create an electoral alliance stalled because the Communists rejected electing candidates through primaries. A further issue is that, despite the IU and Podemos having similar policies (including cancelling most of the debt, halting evictions, nationalising subsidised banks and ending privatisations), the IU has frequently joined regional governments with the Socialists, applying cuts and disappointing supporters. Podemos's relationship with the IU is now a major strategic issue. Previous negotiations to create an electoral alliance stalled because the Communists rejected electing candidates through primaries. A further issue is that, despite the IU and Podemos having similar policies (including cancelling most of the debt, halting evictions, nationalising subsidised banks and ending privatisations), the IU has frequently joined regional governments with the Socialists, applying cuts and disappointing supporters.
If Podemos is to continue to inspire, having primaries and not participating in social-liberal governments must surely be lines in the sand – to further demonstrate that opposition to the political order is not a monopoly of the right. For Podemos to continue to inspire, keeping primaries and non-participation in any social-liberal governments must surely be lines in the sand. Yet already it has demonstrated that opposition to the political order can be monopolised by the left, not just the right. In most countries progressive "anti-politics" exists as a mood rather than a social or political movement, as was illuminated by the international popularity of Russell Brand's denunciation of politicians. The issue now is whether that spirit can be shaped into an alternative to the siren calls of the right.