Why D.S.K. Won’t Go Away

http://www.nytimes.com/2014/05/25/opinion/sunday/why-dsk-wont-go-away.html

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HE’S back. It took Monica S. Lewinsky 16 years to face the cameras, but for Dominique Strauss-Kahn, three years was already too long a purgatory. 

The man who in all likelihood would be the president of France today — if a chambermaid had not dared, three years ago this month, to accuse him of sexually assaulting her in his New York Sofitel suite — is again the talk of the town. Some of it is against his will, and some of it is of his own making; some is linked to the dark side of his life, and some a reminder of more noble endeavors.

No, D.S.K. will not go away. Why would he? Political friends are openly saying how much they missed him, a view apparently shared by a good number of his countrymen — if not countrywomen.

Operation Comeback, now in full swing with a leading role this month in a French TV documentary about Europe’s currency crisis, started a year ago. In May 2013, the former International Monetary Fund managing director, sporting a tuxedo, a new girlfriend and a big smile, surprised everyone by showing up at the Cannes Film Festival to see, yes, Jim Jarmusch’s “Only Lovers Left Alive.” A month later, Mr. Strauss-Kahn and his partner, Myriam L’Aouffir, a blond, 46-year-old P.R. executive, were photographed basking courtside at the French Open.

Now 65, the former inmate of Rikers Island has embarked on a new career as an investment banker, creating a firm with the entrepreneur Thierry Leyne, LSK & Partners, which will make good use of the “very important” D.S.K. brand, as Mr. Leyne put it. Mr. Strauss-Kahn, who has helped the government of South Sudan to set up a bank, now also advises the Serbian government on its debt, sits on the board of two big Russian financial institutions and works the lecture circuit in Asia. The D.S.K. brand may be less marketable in France and the United States, but it has name recognition in the emerging world.

D.S.K. didn’t go to Cannes this year, but for a couple of days it was all about him — or, more exactly, about a new feature film, “Welcome to New York,” which was shown off-festival on May 17. Featuring the huge and no less controversial Gérard Depardieu as Devereaux, a character modeled on D.S.K., and Jacqueline Bisset as Simone, likewise based on Anne Sinclair, D.S.K.’s wife at the time, the movie is built around the Sofitel scandal and portrays both characters in an unforgiving light.

Mr. Depardieu makes the most of the orgiastic sex scenes and then admits, in an interview with the magazine Télérama, that he was “a little disgusted” by the film. What pushed him to take the role, he said, was his curiosity for “the tragedy of a man at the height of power, trapped by his urges because he never questions them, he is too self-confident. And the intimate tragedy of a couple — she knows and he knows she knows.”

Not true, says Anne Sinclair, in an interview broadcast on public television on April 22. It was the first time she had spoken publicly about the affair and her relationship with the man she stood by in 2011 but left the following year. “Believe me or not: I did not know,” she answered with aplomb when asked about her ex-husband’s lifestyle.

A former TV star-journalist, Ms. Sinclair put on a remarkable, if scripted, performance at the end of a benign program called “A Day, a Destiny” (hers), watched by five million people. That was not quite the 13 million who witnessed the disastrous attempt by Mr. Strauss-Kahn to justify himself on the evening news a few months after the Sofitel incident, but a high enough number for her to be considered rehabilitated, just before “Welcome to New York” came out. Having reclaimed her reputation, Ms. Sinclair condemned the film as “disgusting.” Mr. Strauss-Kahn’s lawyer promptly announced that his client would sue the film’s producers for libel.

With D.S.K. back in troubled waters, the moment couldn’t be better to broadcast, again on public television, another reputation-restoring program, this time featuring him. This, we were told, would be his first real interview since 2011. But he would not address such trivial matters as the Sofitel episode or the Lille Carlton saga, for which he was charged with aggravated pimping. No, this would be serious stuff: the economy and Europe.

A 98-minute documentary called “The Euro Story,” shown in prime time on May 15, included a total of five minutes of comments on the euro crisis by Mr. Strauss-Kahn, who spoke as the former French finance minister and former head of the I.M.F. Narrated by a close friend of his, the economist Daniel Cohen, the program was designed to showcase D.S.K.’s expertise. Christine Lagarde, another former French finance minister and the current managing director of the I.M.F., is interviewed for a much shorter time.

Looking older, his white hair combed back, D.S.K. clearly enjoyed reminiscing. He also produced a fluent analysis of the euro zone crisis and lashed out at Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany and France’s former president, Nicolas Sarkozy. Watching the documentary at home, Antoine Cachin, a French business consultant, said, “D.S.K. stood out as the smartest one,” adding: “That’s what I used to like about him. He made you feel intelligent. He gave the impression that France had a strategy.”

Mr. Strauss-Kahn himself has ruled out a political comeback. His trial in the Lille Carlton case, scheduled for next year, promises to be another devastatingly trashy episode in which his role in parties organized with prostitutes will be described at length. Yet D.S.K.’s social-democrat friends are more vocal these days, whipping up nostalgia for their man. Labor Minister François Rebsamen recently claimed he “regretted” D.S.K.’s absence “because he has this incredible talent as an economist.”

But does he really? His government record as finance minister from 1997 to 1999 isn’t that glorious. He was the one who came up with the original idea for the 35-hour workweek, blamed today for many of France’s ills. A strong believer in balancing the budget, D.S.K. failed to take advantage of a 3 percent economic growth rate to advocate structural reforms. That he could appear to some today as a potential savior, despite his many personal failings, says a lot about the state of French politics.