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The beast unleashed on students is the one that will return to bite us all The beast unleashed on students is the one that will return to bite us all
(4 months later)
Yesterday, I turned up to the National Day of Yesterday, I turned up to the National Day of Action education protests in Sydney wearing a T-shirt that is 17 years old. The T-shirt is a direct souvenir of my experience at an event in 1997 that I would describe as formative; like yesterday's, it was an education rally. Like yesterday's, it took place in the grounds at the University of Technology, Sydney.
Action education protests in Sydney wearing a T-shirt that is 17 years Seventeen years ago, the Howard Coalition government had been in government for only one year, yet had already embarked on its policy project to render the Australian higher education system as the only one with declining investment in the OECD. More than 12.5% of funding was cut from the university budget, resulting in universities shedding entire departments, and even closing smaller campuses.
old. The T-shirt is a direct souvenir of my experience at an event in 1997 that The aim of the cut, made amidst the rhetoric of a cited spending crisis the Liberals insisted (stop me if this sounds familiar) was "a budget black hole", was not, of course, really to redress economic spending, as Howard's own profligate record of electoral pork-barrelling proved. It was a mechanism to actively push cash-strapped university vice-chancellors towards adopting the entirely ideological deregulated fee models that were also offered by Coalition legislation.
I would describe as formative; like yesterday's, it was an education rally. We students had gathered at UTS because then vice-chancellor Tony Blake was mooting plans to introduce upfront fee paying places for wealthy students to buy their way in to university. In the student movement, we called this the "thick but rich" policy, and saw it as the thin end of a wedge to exploit students and financially disenfranchise educational participation that had actually begun when Labor reneged on its commitment to free education in the 1980s, and introduced the HECS fee system in 1989.
Like yesterday's, it took place in the grounds at the University of Technology, In 1997, the rally we attended at UTS charged the University chancellery, announced to the staff that a political occupation was in progress, and while the staff left the premises we set up a camp in the offices which lasted several days. At 2am on the night of Good Friday, police busted the occupation, and I was there as a terrifying raid took place. While we occupiers slept, cops smashed windows with crowbars and unleashed police dogs on students, two of whom were wounded so badly ambulances were called.
Sydney. Yet the fight was worth it. Followed by a picket of students offering dog-food to police, the campaign registered in the popular consciousness. University councillors reconsidered "thick but rich" and up-front fees did not pass at UTS.
Seventeen years ago, the Howard Coalition I retell this story not merely to remind current students that non-violent direct action works, but also to illustrate that the policy moves that appear most shocking in this current Coalition government's budget have actually been established as a matter of policy, by Liberal and Labor, for some time. Those confounded by the enormity of present cuts and the illogic of a Medicare "co-payment" that charges a flat fee irrespective of means need to look only to the HECS system originally introduced by Labor to see that the unfair principle of "user-pays" taxation has been a cancer growing in one limb of the body politic that Abbott's current government is now prepared to unleash across the whole host.
government had been in government for only one year, yet had already embarked The principle of HECS (now called ... "HELP") is the same as that of the co-payment. Irrespective of the means they bring as they enter university, students are charged fee standards that are supposedly calculated on what they may earn when they leave depending on their degree programme.
on its policy project to render the Australian higher education system as the Last week, the vice chancellor of UWS repeated the truth long acknowledged in the sector: that there are questions to be asked about the present system actively discouraging the participation of poorer students, for whom fees are not only proportionately greater, but for whom debt is a greater financial risk. Exactly the same argument about participation and aversion has been made about Abbott's sick tax. It would be unwise to take Joe Hockey at his word that the sick tax equates to the expenditure of a beer or two; bear in mind that HECS/HELP began in 1987 with a flat $250 fee, yet a student graduating this year for a law degree will do so with accumulated debt of tens of thousands of dollars.
only one with declining investment in the OECD. More than 12.5% of funding was cut from the university budget, resulting in What that first fee introduction signified was the introduction of US-style, user-pays neoliberalism into Australian public policy. In the 1980s, Labor had courted support from the "big end of town" and were loathe to come after corporate Australia to pay for a much needed expansion of the higher education system; because despite the rhetoric of "individual benefit" foistered onto the higher education debate to justify charging students, our society is not one that can actually run without engineers, teachers, scientists, lawyers, accountants, economists, IT people, healthworkers, adminsitrators, managers, researchers or communicators.
universities shedding entire departments, and even closing smaller
campuses.
The aim of the cut, made amidst the rhetoric of a cited spending
crisis the Liberals insisted (stop me if this sounds familiar) was "a
budget black hole", was not, of course, really to redress economic
spending, as Howard's own profligate record of electoral pork-barrelling
proved. It was a mechanism to actively push cash-strapped university
vice-chancellors towards adopting the entirely ideological deregulated fee
models that were also offered by Coalition legislation.
We students had
gathered at UTS because then vice-chancellor Tony Blake was mooting plans to
introduce upfront fee paying places for wealthy students to buy their way in
to university. In the student movement, we called this the "thick but
rich" policy, and saw it as the thin end of a wedge to exploit students
and financially disenfranchise educational participation that had actually
begun when Labor reneged on its commitment to free education in the 1980s, and
introduced the HECS fee system in 1989.
In 1997, the rally we attended at UTS charged
the University chancellery, announced to the staff that a political occupation
was in progress, and while the staff left the premises we set up a camp in the
offices which lasted several days. At 2am on the night of Good Friday, police
busted the occupation, and I was there as a
terrifying raid took place. While we occupiers slept, cops smashed windows with
crowbars and unleashed police dogs on students, two of whom were wounded so
badly ambulances were called.
Yet the fight was worth it. Followed by a picket of students offering dog-food to
police, the campaign
registered in the popular consciousness. University councillors reconsidered
"thick but rich" and up-front fees did
not pass at UTS.
I retell this story not merely to remind current
students that non-violent direct action works, but also to illustrate that the
policy moves that appear most shocking in this current Coalition government's
budget have actually been established as a matter of policy, by Liberal and
Labor, for some time. Those confounded by the enormity of present cuts and the
illogic of a Medicare "co-payment" that charges a flat fee
irrespective of means need to look only to the HECS system originally
introduced by Labor to see that the unfair principle of "user-pays"
taxation has been a cancer growing in one limb of the body politic that Abbott's
current government is now prepared to unleash across the whole host.
The principle of HECS (now called ...
"HELP") is the same as that of the co-payment. Irrespective of the
means they bring as they enter university, students are charged fee standards
that are supposedly calculated on what they may earn when they leave depending
on their degree programme.
Last week, the vice chancellor of
UWS repeated the truth long acknowledged in the sector: that there are questions to be asked about the present system
actively discouraging the participation of poorer students, for whom fees are
not only proportionately greater, but for whom debt is a greater financial risk.
Exactly the same argument about participation and aversion has been made about
Abbott's sick tax. It would be unwise to take Joe Hockey at his word that the
sick tax equates to the expenditure of a beer or two; bear in mind that
HECS/HELP began in 1987 with a flat $250 fee, yet a student graduating this
year for a law degree will do so with accumulated debt of tens of thousands of
dollars.
What that first fee introduction signified was
the introduction of US-style, user-pays neoliberalism into Australian
public policy. In the 1980s, Labor had courted support from the "big end
of town" and were loathe to come after corporate Australia to pay for a
much needed expansion of the higher education system; because despite the
rhetoric of "individual benefit" foistered onto the higher education
debate to justify charging students, our society is not one that can actually
run without engineers, teachers, scientists, lawyers, accountants, economists,
IT people, healthworkers, adminsitrators, managers, researchers or
communicators.
Students, then as now, are a soft target of punitive public policies because a romanticised image of student life provokes a particular kind of lifestyle envy.Students, then as now, are a soft target of punitive public policies because a romanticised image of student life provokes a particular kind of lifestyle envy.
Neoliberalism's adherents within the Labor Neoliberalism's adherents within the Labor party in 1989 were able to convince the unions within its ranks to support the policy moves towards userpays in the education by convincing blue-collar union leaders that higher education was a domain of social elites and taxation spent on education was "middle-class welfare". But as the Australian economy has evolved into a technocracy demanding skilled workers, many blue collar workers are now, of course, either parenting children with HECS/HELP debts or seeing user-pays mechanisms forced on apprenticeships and vocational training.
party in 1989 were able to convince the unions within its ranks to support the With user-pays beliefs entrenched, they're also facing down the encroachment of the ideology from everything the Coalition governs - from roads to visits to the doctor.
policy moves towards userpays in the education by convincing blue-collar union As this budget is only the first of two more that will be delivered by Abbott's Coalition in government, it is crucial that the anti-government campaigns springing from the trade union movement and the broader community redress the mistake of 1989 and not abandon students to the user-pays nuttery of Christopher Pyne. The beast unleashed on students is the one that will return to bite us all.
leaders that higher education was a domain of social elites and taxation spent My 17-year-old T-shirt, by the way, depicts a human leg in a dog's mouth, the UTS logo and the phrase "where students and police dogs can come together". The fit wasn't flattering, even in 1997, but as a trophy of a resistance to the ideological madness of user-pays and a victory over its manifestation, it's one of the most precious things I own.
on education was "middle-class welfare". But as the Australian
economy has evolved into a technocracy demanding skilled workers, many blue
collar workers are now, of course, either parenting children with HECS/HELP
debts or seeing user-pays mechanisms forced on apprenticeships and vocational
training.
With user-pays beliefs entrenched, they're also facing down the
encroachment of the ideology from everything the Coalition governs - from roads
to visits to the doctor.
As this budget is only the first of two more
that will be delivered by Abbott's Coalition in government, it is crucial that
the anti-government campaigns springing from the trade union movement and the
broader community redress the mistake of 1989 and not abandon students to the
user-pays nuttery of Christopher Pyne. The beast unleashed on students is the
one that will return to bite us all.
My 17-year-old T-shirt, by the way, depicts a
human leg in a dog's mouth, the UTS logo and the phrase "where students
and police dogs can come together". The fit wasn't flattering, even in
1997, but as a trophy of a resistance to the ideological madness of user-pays
and a victory over its manifestation, it's one of the most precious things I
own.