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Northern Ireland's peace is delicately poised – it needs to look forward Northern Ireland's peace is delicately poised – it needs to look forward
(about 1 hour later)
Forty years ago on September 17 1974 three no-warning bombs ripped through the heart of Dublin city. Less than an hour afterwards another bomb shattered the rural quiet of Monaghan town. In all, 33 people were killed and more than 300 were injured. On the streets of Dublin, sheets of newspaper were laid over the dismembered bodies to hide them from view; the headlines soaked up the blood – the news in advance. The atrocity was one of the first big spillovers of violence from Northern Ireland to the Republic: the violence appeared viral. Forty years ago, on 17 May 1974, three no-warning bombs ripped through the heart of Dublin city. Less than an hour afterwards another bomb shattered the rural quiet of Monaghan town. In all, 33 people were killed and more than 300 were injured. On the streets of Dublin, sheets of newspaper were laid over the dismembered bodies to hide them from view; the headlines soaked up the blood – the news in advance. The atrocity was one of the first big spillovers of violence from Northern Ireland to the Republic: the violence appeared viral.
There would be more bloody headlines to come: 3,600 people would eventually lose their lives in the Troubles. But perhaps the greatest headline of recent Irish history is that a peace agreement has held for 16 years. If the Irish peace process was once a toddler, it is now at the age where it must ready itself for university or a job – or perhaps, most chillingly, the unemployment line.There would be more bloody headlines to come: 3,600 people would eventually lose their lives in the Troubles. But perhaps the greatest headline of recent Irish history is that a peace agreement has held for 16 years. If the Irish peace process was once a toddler, it is now at the age where it must ready itself for university or a job – or perhaps, most chillingly, the unemployment line.
The arrest of Gerry Adams and his subsequent release earlier this month was the latest in a series of tremors that have tested the political Richter scale. Nationalists saw the arrest as a trial in public humiliation in the run-up to local and European elections. Claims were made that there were "dark forces" at work within the police. Loyalists were incensed with the British government for having written 200 letters to Republican "on-the-runs"suspected of IRA membership, saying there would be no prosecutions against them. The arrest of Gerry Adams and his subsequent release earlier this month was the latest in a series of tremors that have tested the political Richter scale. Nationalists saw the arrest as a trial in public humiliation in the run-up to local and European elections. Claims were made that there were "dark forces" at work within the police. Loyalists were incensed with the British government for having written 200 letters to Republican "on-the-runs" suspected of IRA membership, saying there would be no prosecutions against them.
The atmosphere between leaders in the Northern Ireland power-sharing executive has turned distinctly sour, with the first minister, Peter Robinson, and the deputy first minister, Martin McGuinness, trading verbal jabs. There is a sense on both sides that the British government has walked away, hurriedly, furtively, unwilling to look back.The atmosphere between leaders in the Northern Ireland power-sharing executive has turned distinctly sour, with the first minister, Peter Robinson, and the deputy first minister, Martin McGuinness, trading verbal jabs. There is a sense on both sides that the British government has walked away, hurriedly, furtively, unwilling to look back.
Just five months ago the political parties failed to come to an agreement on the proposals put forward to Richard Haass, the former American diplomat, on issues relating to the peace process, most notably the matters of flags, parades and how to "contend" with the past.Just five months ago the political parties failed to come to an agreement on the proposals put forward to Richard Haass, the former American diplomat, on issues relating to the peace process, most notably the matters of flags, parades and how to "contend" with the past.
Haass worked for six months, trying to slide reconciliation firmly into the jigsaw of ongoing peace. Among his many recommendations he called for a "historical investigations unit" to carry out inquiries into Troubles-related killings. As so often happens in Northern Ireland, the past dragged the present backwards. Haass and his team left disappointed.Haass worked for six months, trying to slide reconciliation firmly into the jigsaw of ongoing peace. Among his many recommendations he called for a "historical investigations unit" to carry out inquiries into Troubles-related killings. As so often happens in Northern Ireland, the past dragged the present backwards. Haass and his team left disappointed.
What he left behind was a country unsure of itself. Investment in Northern Ireland has soared in recent years. A sense of colour and charm has seeped into the streets: checkpoints have disappeared, festivals abound. Sixteen years of peace has meant that a whole generation has grown up without the threat of violence. Still, many Catholics and Protestants live in walled-off mini-citadels and their children go to separate schools. A rash of xenophobic attacks against eastern Europeans has occurred in Belfast with "Locals Only" scrawled on windows and walls. It's a small sky over Northern Ireland, but there's a lot of smoke in it.What he left behind was a country unsure of itself. Investment in Northern Ireland has soared in recent years. A sense of colour and charm has seeped into the streets: checkpoints have disappeared, festivals abound. Sixteen years of peace has meant that a whole generation has grown up without the threat of violence. Still, many Catholics and Protestants live in walled-off mini-citadels and their children go to separate schools. A rash of xenophobic attacks against eastern Europeans has occurred in Belfast with "Locals Only" scrawled on windows and walls. It's a small sky over Northern Ireland, but there's a lot of smoke in it.
Perhaps it is simple enough. The people of Ireland and Britain desperately want the peace to continue. It is one of the few things we have excelled at in recent years. It is a moral commodity. We have put a lot of energy into it. It makes us look good. It's a money-maker. If it falters it will be a disaster not only for us but also for the rest of the world. Peace is not a local thing. That's what makes it superior to war. War stays where war is; peace belongs elsewhere, as well as at home. That's part of its muscle.Perhaps it is simple enough. The people of Ireland and Britain desperately want the peace to continue. It is one of the few things we have excelled at in recent years. It is a moral commodity. We have put a lot of energy into it. It makes us look good. It's a money-maker. If it falters it will be a disaster not only for us but also for the rest of the world. Peace is not a local thing. That's what makes it superior to war. War stays where war is; peace belongs elsewhere, as well as at home. That's part of its muscle.
But peace, especially at the delicate age of 16, can have an ego. It can turn off its calculating mind and fall into the dark pit of being satisfied with itself. Forging an ongoing peace process means understanding that there are always going to be several viable truths. The peacemaker, as senator George Mitchell learned in 1998, must show the tenacity of the fanatic.But peace, especially at the delicate age of 16, can have an ego. It can turn off its calculating mind and fall into the dark pit of being satisfied with itself. Forging an ongoing peace process means understanding that there are always going to be several viable truths. The peacemaker, as senator George Mitchell learned in 1998, must show the tenacity of the fanatic.
It is, of course, naive to expect total reconciliation. Some grievances are so deep that the people who suffered them will never be satisfied. But the point is not satisfaction; the point is that the present is superior to the past, and it has to be cultivated as such.It is, of course, naive to expect total reconciliation. Some grievances are so deep that the people who suffered them will never be satisfied. But the point is not satisfaction; the point is that the present is superior to the past, and it has to be cultivated as such.
Once upon a time there were bullets in the back of the head. There were car bombs along South Leinster Street. There were girls getting tarred and feathered in the flatlands of Belfast. There were show bands being blown to bits on lonely country roads. That's not happening any more. But just because it's not happening doesn't mean it will not happen again. To lose the process now would be an international crime that reaches backwards and forwards both.Once upon a time there were bullets in the back of the head. There were car bombs along South Leinster Street. There were girls getting tarred and feathered in the flatlands of Belfast. There were show bands being blown to bits on lonely country roads. That's not happening any more. But just because it's not happening doesn't mean it will not happen again. To lose the process now would be an international crime that reaches backwards and forwards both.
A version of this article is published by the New York TimesA version of this article is published by the New York Times
• This article was amended on 16 May 2014. An editing error resulted in the month of the Dublin bombs being given as September 1974, not May 1974. This has been corrected