This article is from the source 'independent' and was first published or seen on . It last changed over 40 days ago and won't be checked again for changes.

You can find the current article at its original source at http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/ukraine-crisis-bloody-assault-in-mariupol-dashes-hopes-of-avoiding-civil-war-9347972.html

The article has changed 7 times. There is an RSS feed of changes available.

Version 1 Version 2
Ukraine crisis: Bloody assault in Mariupol dashes hopes of avoiding civil war Ukraine crisis: Bloody assault in Mariupol dashes hopes of avoiding civil war
(about 2 hours later)
The dead and injured being carried out of a burning building; more bodies lying in the street, prolonged exchanges of fire as armoured carriers smashed through barricades; and, with the violence, anger and calls for revenge. The dead and injured are carried out of a burning building; more bodies lying in the street; prolonged exchanges of fire as armoured carriers smash through barricades; and, with the violence, anger and calls for revenge.
This was Mariupol, in eastern Ukraine, after a day of bloody strife that slid Ukraine further towards civil war. The country’s caretaker government can be accused of trying to blow out flickering hopes of peace by launching a military operation on one of the most revered anniversaries in the Russian-speaking half of the country – the commemoration of victory over Nazi Germany. This is Mariupol, in eastern Ukraine, after a day of bloody strife that slid Ukraine further towards civil war. The country’s caretaker government can be accused of trying to blow out flickering hopes of peace by launching a military operation on one of the most revered anniversaries in the Russian-speaking half of the country – the commemoration of victory over Nazi Germany.
The military action was accompanied by stridently aggressive rhetoric from politicians in Kiev who were crowing about the numbers of “terrorists” killed and threatening further lethal punishment. The military action is accompanied by stridently aggressive rhetoric from politicians in Kiev who are crowing about the numbers of “terrorists” killed and threatening further lethal punishment.
By the evening there were differing body counts ranging from 20 to five, with around another 25 injured. But the accuracy of statistics has meant little in this confrontation. What matters is the perception. For many in this port on the Azov Sea today greatly reinforced the view – relentlessly promoted by the separatist leadership – that fascists from the west of the country are coming to attack. By the evening there are differing body counts ranging from 20 to five, with around another 25 injured. But the accuracy of statistics has meant little in this confrontation. What matters is the perception. For many in this port on the Azov Sea, today greatly reinforced the view – relentlessly promoted by the separatist leadership – that fascists from the west of the country are coming to attack.
“This is not about 2014 in Ukraine, this is taking us back to Berlin in 1945, that is what they want to avenge, the defeat of their Nazi masters”, was the view of Captain Zorin Aleksandr Nicolaivitch, who had spent 18 years in the Navy. He was in his full dress uniform, with two rows of medals, rushing to one of the places of  killing from the parade for the Great Patriotic War. “This is not about 2014 in Ukraine, this is taking us back to Berlin in 1945, that is what they want to avenge, the defeat of their Nazi masters”, is the view of Captain Zorin Aleksandr Nicolaivitch, who spent 18 years in the navy. He is in his full dress uniform, with two rows of medals, rushing to one of the places of  killing from the parade for the Great Patriotic War.
“Look, this is the only weapon that I, or anyone else, has around here”, said the 63-year-old retired officer, lifting up the ceremonial dagger at his belt. No, only one side came armed, wanting to fight, today. It wasn’t the people of Mariupol.” “Look, this is the only weapon that I, or anyone else, has around here,” says the 63-year-old retired officer, lifting up the ceremonial dagger at his belt. “No, only one side came armed, wanting to fight, today. It wasn’t the people of Mariupol.”
Arms, however, appeared to have been a key issue behind what had taken place. There were two conflicting narratives. The Kiev administration’s version was that a mob had taken over the central police station, with the primary aim of getting hold of its extensive armoury, and then opened fire on government troops, killing some policemen in the process. Arms, however, appear to have been a key issue. There are two conflicting narratives. The Kiev administration’s version is that a mob had taken over the central police station, with the primary aim of getting hold of its extensive armoury, and then opened fire on government troops, killing some policemen in the process.
Residents, as well as protesters, insisted this was a lie. The police, they maintained, had shown great sympathy towards them, and the Ukrainian military, with a band of armed fellow travellers, had wanted to take control of the weapons and had attacked the station precisely for that reason. Residents, as well as protesters, insist this is a lie. The police, they maintain, had shown great sympathy towards them, and the Ukrainian military, with a band of armed fellow travellers, wanted to take control of the weapons and attacked the station precisely for that reason.
A body lying in front of the station, with firemen trying to control the flames, was that of a policeman: his uniform hat and a mobile telephone had been placed on him. “Let me show you something”, said Viktor Nicolaivich, trying to keep his voice calm as he pulled up the covering blanket. One arm of the officer was encased in plaster. “He couldn’t even pull the trigger to defend himself against the fascist bastards. We know this man, I was with him yesterday, he is one of our local policeman, we would never want to harm people like him.” A body lying in front of the station, with firemen trying to control the flames, is that of a policeman: his uniform hat and a mobile telephone have been placed on him. “Let me show you something,” says Viktor Nicolaivich, trying to keep his voice calm as he pulls up the covering blanket. One arm of the officer is encased in plaster. “He couldn’t even pull the trigger to defend himself against the fascist bastards. We know this man, I was with him yesterday, he is one of our local policemen, we would never want to harm people like him.”
Vladimir Putin with Second World War veterans in Sevastopol yesterday (Getty Images) The city’s police commander, Valeryi Androsehuk, was missing. The Ukrainian authorities claimed that he had been kidnapped by militants; the protesters maintained that he had either perished in the flames, or been arrested. The chief had refused, they said, to hand over the headquarters to the soldiers. Vladimir Putin with Second World War veterans in Sevastopol yesterday (Getty Images) The city’s police commander, Valeryi Androsehuk, is missing. The Ukrainian authorities claim that he has been kidnapped by militants; the protesters maintain that he had either perished in the flames, or been arrested. The chief had refused, they say, to hand over the headquarters to the soldiers.
Across the road lay another corpse, that of one of the “fascists” who had been with the soldiers, said the residents, inevitably labelled a member of the Right Sector, an extremist group who allegedly carry out the government’s dirty work. The man wore civilian clothing, a black top and jeans, with an armband in Ukrainian colours. “This man was shooting at the police building, I saw him,” Valentina Semoronova said. “Then he got wounded and fell; the policemen were shooting back. The soldiers did nothing to help him. All they did was take the rifle with them when they left.” Across the road lies another corpse, that of one of the “fascists” who had been with the soldiers, say the residents, inevitably labelled a member of the Right Sector, an extremist group who allegedly carry out the government’s dirty work. The man is wearing civilian clothing, a black top and jeans, with an armband in Ukrainian colours. “This man was shooting at the police building, I saw him,” Valentina Semoronova says. “Then he got wounded and fell; the policemen were shooting back. The soldiers did nothing to help him. All they did was take the rifle with them when they left.”
In the course of the next confusing hour the armband disappeared, snatched off by a collaborator, according to some people who were present. There were mutters that it was a Ukrainian journalist, although we had not seen any present at the scene. In the course of the next confusing hour the armband disappears, snatched off by a collaborator, according to some. There are mutters that it was a Ukrainian journalist, although we have not seen any present at the scene.
Such charges often lead to an outbreak of hostility towards the media. But here the crowd, though angry, was keen to put over its side. The people stood under raindrops blackened by ash pleading that two things must be made clear to the outside world; they did not have guns and they were Ukrainians, not Russians. They produced their driving licences and passports. Such charges often lead to an outbreak of hostility towards the media. But here the crowd, though angry, is keen to put over its side. The people stand under raindrops blackened by ash pleading that two things must be made clear to the outside world; they do not have guns and they are Ukrainians, not Russians. They produce their driving licences and passports.
To Arsen Avakov, many of these people were terrorists. Ukraine’s acting Interior Minister had been a voracious user of Facebook to chronicle military operations, some of the accounts wildly inaccurate. He wrote today: “A terrorist group of about 60 men armed with automatic weapons attacked the police headquarters. To Arsen Avakov, many of these people are terrorists. Ukraine’s acting Interior Minister has been a voracious user of Facebook to chronicle military operations, some of the accounts wildly inaccurate. He wrote: “A terrorist group of about 60 men armed with automatic weapons attacked the police headquarters.
War veterans at a ceremony marking Victory Day in Donetsk yesterday (Getty Images) “About 20 terrorists were destroyed and four taken prisoner. To those who come with weapons and who shoot… To them there can be only one answer from the Ukrainian state – annihilation.” Apart from the two bodies outside the station, I saw three others being carried out; it was unclear whether they were dead or had suffered severe injuries from the fire. Colleagues and residents reported three others killed. War veterans at a ceremony marking Victory Day in Donetsk yesterday (Getty Images) “About 20 terrorists were destroyed and four taken prisoner. To those who come with weapons and who shoot… To them there can be only one answer from the Ukrainian state – annihilation.”
Mr Avakov also stressed the involvement of several branches of security in the mission, including special forces, National Guard and the Army. This was seen as an attempt to assuage criticism in Kiev and the west of the country of the current “anti-terrorist offensive” with limited success and accusations of lack of co?ordination. Apart from the two bodies outside the station, I see three others being carried out; it is unclear whether they are dead or have suffered severe injuries from the fire. Colleagues and residents report three others killed.
But Mariupol has also become the arena for a number of shadowy bunches of gunmen. Two days ago, an unit dressed in black combat uniform had carried out unprovoked assaults on protesters outside another police station. There had been contradictory accounts about who they were from Kiev authorities National Guard, special forces, Ministry of Interior police. One theory is that they were mercenaries bankrolled by Igor Kolomoisky, an oligarch and Ukrainian nationalist, who had previously offered a bounty for the capture of Russian “agents”. Mr Avakov also stresses the involvement of several branches of security in the mission, including special forces, National Guard and the army. This is seen as an attempt to assuage criticism in Kiev and western Ukraine of the “anti-terrorist offensive”.
Elena Rukoshova, a 26?year?old former kindergarten teacher, was beside her friend, Jaroslav, when he was beaten up and arrested in the last incident involving the men in black. She had rushed to the police station from the parade this morning to see them and other forces involved in action again. “We are seeing something like this every day in Mariupol now. The Kiev people want to show they are in control by capturing this place, maybe they think this would be easier than Slovyansk (a separatist stronghold) but there will be a lot of bloodshed if they keep on attacking people like this.” But Mariupol has also become the arena for a number of shadowy bunches of gunmen. Two days ago, a unit in black combat uniform carried out unprovoked assaults on protesters outside another police station. There have been contradictory accounts about who they were from Kiev authorities National Guard, special forces, Ministry of Interior police. One theory is that they were mercenaries bankrolled by Igor Kolomoisky, an oligarch and Ukrainian nationalist, who had previously offered a bounty for the capture of Russian “agents”.
The city hall at Mariupol had changed hands repeatedly between separatists and Ukrainian nationalists in the last week. Today’s fighting began after troops had tried to seize it back again, firing volleys over the heads of protesters. At nightfall the building had been trashed, some of the contents used to form fresh barricades, the rest thrown into bonfires started with tyres. Elena Rukoshova, a 26-year-old former kindergarten teacher, was beside her friend, Jaroslav, when he was beaten up and arrested in the last incident involving the men in black. She rushed to the police station from the parade this morning to see them and other forces involved in action again.
Carloads of men were arriving to take up positions, some of them armed. They were there, they said, to prepare for a referendum on secession organised for Sunday by the Peoples’ Republic of Donbass. “The junta [Kiev] will try to disrupt that, so we are here”, said one man who refused to identify himself. “But we won’t have to wait until then, the soldiers would be back tomorrow, we will be waiting for them.” “We are seeing something like this every day in Mariupol now. The Kiev people want to show they are in control by capturing this place. Maybe they think this would be easier than Slovyansk [a separatist stronghold] but there will be a lot of bloodshed if they keep on attacking people like this.”
The city hall at Mariupol has changed hands repeatedly between separatists and Ukrainian nationalists in the past week.
The fighting began after troops had tried to seize it back again, firing volleys over the heads of protesters. By nightfall the building has been trashed, some of the contents used to form fresh barricades, the rest thrown into bonfires started with tyres.
Cars full of men are arriving to take up positions. Some of them are armed. They are there, they say, to prepare for a referendum on secession organised for Sunday by the People’s Republic of Donbas. “The junta [Kiev] will try to disrupt that, so we are here”, says one man who refuses to identify himself. “But we won’t have to wait until then, the soldiers will be back soon, we will be waiting for them.”