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The foaming Tory response to Labour's rental reforms stops any rational debate The foaming Tory response to Labour's rental reforms stops any rational debate
(35 minutes later)
Political debate in the online world can, to put it mildly, be a no holds barred, wild west sort of affair. Anonymity means people write things they would never say aloud; below the line comments and social media abound with accusations of Communism, calls to go back to North Korea if-you-like-socialism-so-much, and claims that anyone who supports modest social reform wants to collectivise our mothers and put them under workers' control. Political debate in the online world can be, to put it mildly, a no holds barred, wild west sort of affair. Anonymity means people write things they would never say aloud; below the line comments and social media abound with accusations of communism, calls to go-back-to-North-Korea if-you-like-socialism-so-much, and claims that anyone who supports modest social reform wants to collectivise our mothers and put them under workers' control.
Tragically, this frothing-at-the-mouth style of "debate" seems to have become the Conservative party's approach to political debate. This morning, Labour is announcing modest but welcome reforms to the private rented sector. Three-year tenancy agreements would be introduced, with a six-month probation period, giving stability and security to tenant and landlord alike. There would be upper ceilings on rent increases, with a benchmark set by the Royal Institution of Chartered Surveyors. Charges by rip-off estate agents will be scrapped. Tragically, this frothing-at-the-mouth style of debate seems to have become the Conservative party's approach to political discussion. This morning, Labour is announcing modest but welcome reforms to the private rented sector. Three-year tenancy agreements would be introduced, with a six-month probation period, giving stability and security to tenant and landlord alike. There would be upper ceilings on rent increases, with a benchmark set by the Royal Institution of Chartered Surveyors. Charges by rip-off estate agents would be scrapped.
If you were hoping that the Tories would engage in a rational debate over the nitty gritty of these proposals, prepare to be disappointed. These are "Venezuelan-style rent controls", they have screeched, with mentions of Vietnam also thrown in for good measure. It follows an established pattern of "reds under the beds"-style baiting of Labour policy. When Ed Miliband suggested back in September that construction firms who hoarded land instead of building on it would now have to "use it or lose it", Boris Johnson called it "Mugabe-style expropriations". Graeme Leach, chief economist of rightwing corporate outfit the Institute of Directors, labelled it a "Stalinist attack on property rights." Following Miliband's energy price freeze commitment, David Cameron suggested he lived in a "Marxist universe", while George Osborne claimed he had outlined "essentially the argument Karl Marx made in Das Kapital". If you were hoping that the Tories would engage in a rational debate over the nitty gritty of these proposals, prepare to be disappointed. These are Venezuelan-style rent controls, they have screeched, with mentions of Vietnam also thrown in for good measure. It follows an established pattern of reds under the beds-style baiting of Labour policy. When Ed Miliband suggested back in September that construction firms who hoarded land instead of building on it would now have to use it or lose it, Boris Johnson called it "Mugabe-style expropriations". Graeme Leach, chief economist of the Institute of Directors, a rightwing corporate outfit, labelled it a "Stalinist attack on property rights". Following Miliband's energy price freeze commitment, David Cameron suggested he lived in a Marxist universe, while George Osborne claimed he had outlined "essentially the argument Karl Marx made in Das Kapital".
This is unlikely to work, because most voters think in terms of issues that have to be addressed, rather than focusing on whether policies are "leftwing" or "rightwing". But such outlandish responses are an attempt to police the terms of political debate; to dismiss anything which departs from the Thatcherite consensus established in the 1980s as too extreme and wacky. Debating such policies on their own terms, after all, risks legitimising them as acceptable political positions. This is unlikely to work because most voters think in terms of issues that have to be addressed, rather than focusing on whether policies are leftwing or rightwing. But such outlandish responses are an attempt to police the terms of political debate, to dismiss anything which departs from the Thatcherite consensus established in the 1980s as too extreme and wacky. Debating such policies on their own terms, after all, risks legitimising them as acceptable political positions.
Politics should be about addressing people's needs. Labour was founded with that in mind, which makes it all the more sad that some of its leading figures remain wedded to the 1980s consensus: it was Sadiq Khan, a likely contender in the race to be Labour's candidate for London mayor, who won these rental commitments after months of wrangling; Ed Balls was chiefly among those resisting them, fearing it was "anti-business". Politics should be about addressing people's needs. Labour was founded with that in mind, which makes it all the more sad that some of its leading figures remain wedded to the 1980s consensus: it was Sadiq Khan, a likely contender in the race to be Labour's candidate for London mayor, who won these rental commitments after months of wrangling; Ed Balls was chief among those resisting them, fearing the proposals were "anti-business".
The real criticism should be that these proposals don't go far enough. There are 5 million people languish on social housing waiting lists; the number of families in the unregulated rented sector has doubled in the past decade, leaving them lacking stability; and rents have jumped by 13% since 2010, even as wages fall in real terms. Housing benefit is projected to hit £25bn in 2017 – it partly subsidises private landlords charging rip-off rents, and new claimants are overwhelmingly low-paid workers. Labour should be lifting the borrowing cap on councils to allow them to build. That doesn't need to be included in net public sector borrowing (it isn't in other western European countries), and it would mean a secure stream of rent, as well as creating jobs and stimulating the economy. A land value tax would be a progressive alternative to council tax, too. The real criticism should be that these proposals don't go far enough. There are 5 million people languishing on social housing waiting lists; the number of families in the unregulated rented sector has doubled in the past decade, leaving them lacking stability; and rents have jumped by 13% since 2010, even as wages fall in real terms. Housing benefit is projected to hit £25bn in 2017 – it partly subsidises private landlords charging rip-off rents, and new claimants are overwhelmingly low-paid workers. Labour should be lifting the borrowing cap on councils to allow them to build. That doesn't need to be included in net public sector borrowing (it isn't in other western European countries), and it would mean a secure stream of rent, as well as creating jobs and stimulating the economy. A land value tax would be a progressive alternative to council tax, too.
But this is a good start from Labour, and improves their chances of mobilising young working-class and middle-class voters who are less likely to vote – just as the Tories are pitching for older affluent voters. What a shame we are being deprived of a rational debate about these proposals. The Tories and their allies fear that Miliband's mild social democratic suggestions are a mortal threat to a Thatcherite consensus they fought very hard to construct. That's why this election campaign will be such a vitriolic, hysterical affair. But this is a good start from Labour, and improves its chances of mobilising young working-class and middle-class voters who are less likely to vote – just as the Tories are pitching for older, affluent voters. What a shame we are being deprived of a rational debate about these proposals. The Tories and their allies fear that Miliband's mild social democratic suggestions are a mortal threat to a Thatcherite consensus they fought very hard to construct. That's why this election campaign will be such a vitriolic, hysterical affair.