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Colonialism, Bloodshed and Blame for Rwanda Colonialism, Bloodshed and Blame for Rwanda
(5 months later)
PARIS — In this time of somber commemorations, from the 20th anniversary of Rwanda’s genocide to the centennial of the start of World War I, a less obvious moment seems to have a particular resonance as European lands once more contemplate their role in African states they once ruled. PARIS — In this time of somber commemorations, from the 20th anniversary of Rwanda’s genocide to the centennial of the start of World War I, a less obvious moment seems to have a particular resonance as European lands once more contemplate their role in African states they once ruled.
In 1884, 130 years ago, European powers gathered in Berlin for a conference under Chancellor Otto von Bismarck that historians depict as setting the rules for the scramble for Africa among outside powers that soon fractured it into a jigsaw of new nations.In 1884, 130 years ago, European powers gathered in Berlin for a conference under Chancellor Otto von Bismarck that historians depict as setting the rules for the scramble for Africa among outside powers that soon fractured it into a jigsaw of new nations.
Decades after the so-called winds of change blew away colonial rule, the impact of this colonial cartography lingers in profound sensitivities at the legacy of the outsiders’ incursions into a continent that did not invite them to define its frontiers or impose their definitions of nationhood.Decades after the so-called winds of change blew away colonial rule, the impact of this colonial cartography lingers in profound sensitivities at the legacy of the outsiders’ incursions into a continent that did not invite them to define its frontiers or impose their definitions of nationhood.
That much was evident when South Africa and Zimbabwe both stayed away from a major European-African summit meeting last week, citing European interference in determining how Africa should be represented.That much was evident when South Africa and Zimbabwe both stayed away from a major European-African summit meeting last week, citing European interference in determining how Africa should be represented.
Most dramatically, in the prism of mutual mistrust that separates Europe and many African countries, remarks just days ago by President Paul Kagame of Rwanda assailed Belgium, the former colonial power, and France, the leading outside force in most of francophone Africa, for what he termed their “direct role” in the “political preparation for the genocide” that killed 800,000 people in 1994.Most dramatically, in the prism of mutual mistrust that separates Europe and many African countries, remarks just days ago by President Paul Kagame of Rwanda assailed Belgium, the former colonial power, and France, the leading outside force in most of francophone Africa, for what he termed their “direct role” in the “political preparation for the genocide” that killed 800,000 people in 1994.
“The people who planned and carried out the genocide were Rwandans,” Mr. Kagame told a commemorative ceremony in Kigali, the Rwandan capital. “But the history and root causes go beyond this country.”“The people who planned and carried out the genocide were Rwandans,” Mr. Kagame told a commemorative ceremony in Kigali, the Rwandan capital. “But the history and root causes go beyond this country.”
“And no country is powerful enough, even when they think that they are, to change the facts,” he added in what was taken as a particular swipe at France.“And no country is powerful enough, even when they think that they are, to change the facts,” he added in what was taken as a particular swipe at France.
France is not the only former colonial power to shy from history. In Britain, decades went by before the authorities agreed last year to pay compensation to Kenyans tortured during the Mau Mau rebellion in the 1950s. That victory for a dwindling cohort of aging Kenyans inspired a group of Caribbean nations to seek similar redress for the depredations of the slave trade two centuries ago.France is not the only former colonial power to shy from history. In Britain, decades went by before the authorities agreed last year to pay compensation to Kenyans tortured during the Mau Mau rebellion in the 1950s. That victory for a dwindling cohort of aging Kenyans inspired a group of Caribbean nations to seek similar redress for the depredations of the slave trade two centuries ago.
Europe’s reticence about its past is not limited to sub-Saharan Africa. France waited until 1995 to apologize for crimes against Jews under the Vichy government during World War II. Only in 2012 did Paris acknowledge that its behavior in its former colony of Algeria was “brutal and unfair.”Europe’s reticence about its past is not limited to sub-Saharan Africa. France waited until 1995 to apologize for crimes against Jews under the Vichy government during World War II. Only in 2012 did Paris acknowledge that its behavior in its former colony of Algeria was “brutal and unfair.”
“From Vichy to the war in Algeria, it took decades for France to be able to confront disturbing truths and illuminate dark pages of its history,” said an editorial this week in Le Monde.“From Vichy to the war in Algeria, it took decades for France to be able to confront disturbing truths and illuminate dark pages of its history,” said an editorial this week in Le Monde.
The question more recently, though, is this: Have the lessons been learned to avert a repetition of Rwanda’s bloodletting in other African countries, like South Sudan and the Central African Republic, where political and sectarian rivalries have plunged frail nations into bloodletting and chaos?The question more recently, though, is this: Have the lessons been learned to avert a repetition of Rwanda’s bloodletting in other African countries, like South Sudan and the Central African Republic, where political and sectarian rivalries have plunged frail nations into bloodletting and chaos?
France has troops in Mali and the Central African Republic, where the European Union has also promised to deploy a force of 1,000 personnel.France has troops in Mali and the Central African Republic, where the European Union has also promised to deploy a force of 1,000 personnel.
But given the war-weariness of some European powers, most notably Britain, after the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, and considering their preoccupation with the much-closer-to-home crisis over Ukraine, the appetite for broader intervention in Africa seems limited.But given the war-weariness of some European powers, most notably Britain, after the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, and considering their preoccupation with the much-closer-to-home crisis over Ukraine, the appetite for broader intervention in Africa seems limited.
At the ceremonies in Kigali, Ban Ki-moon, the United Nations secretary general, offered cautious hope that humanity was making progress toward the mechanisms of restraint.At the ceremonies in Kigali, Ban Ki-moon, the United Nations secretary general, offered cautious hope that humanity was making progress toward the mechanisms of restraint.
“States can no longer claim that atrocity crimes are only a domestic matter,” he said. “International criminal justice is expanding its reach. Leaders and warlords alike face the growing likelihood of prosecution for their crimes.”“States can no longer claim that atrocity crimes are only a domestic matter,” he said. “International criminal justice is expanding its reach. Leaders and warlords alike face the growing likelihood of prosecution for their crimes.”
In coming weeks, the outside world will likely discover whether that is enough, or whether, as the columnist Simon Allison wrote on South Africa’s Daily Maverick website, 20 years after the Rwandan genocide, “we still don’t know how to curb humanity’s very worst excesses.”In coming weeks, the outside world will likely discover whether that is enough, or whether, as the columnist Simon Allison wrote on South Africa’s Daily Maverick website, 20 years after the Rwandan genocide, “we still don’t know how to curb humanity’s very worst excesses.”