This article is from the source 'guardian' and was first published or seen on . It last changed over 40 days ago and won't be checked again for changes.

You can find the current article at its original source at http://www.theguardian.com/politics/2013/sep/24/damian-mcbride-memoirs-gordon-brown-barack-obama

The article has changed 2 times. There is an RSS feed of changes available.

Version 0 Version 1
Damian McBride memoirs: Gordon Brown thought Obama 'lightweight' Damian McBride memoirs: Gordon Brown thought Obama 'lightweight'
(35 minutes later)
Gordon Brown was initially unimpressed by Barack Obama, Damian McBride claims in his memoirs.Gordon Brown was initially unimpressed by Barack Obama, Damian McBride claims in his memoirs.
The book by the controversial former political adviser was published on Tuesday after a high-profile serialisation in the Daily Mail, with McBride's revelations about how he smeared Labour ministers gaining the most attention.The book by the controversial former political adviser was published on Tuesday after a high-profile serialisation in the Daily Mail, with McBride's revelations about how he smeared Labour ministers gaining the most attention.
But Power Trip also contains revelations about Brown's views of Obama, David Cameron, Rupert Murdoch – and the Mail's own editor, Paul Dacre. But Power Trip also contains revelations about Brown's views of Obama, David Cameron, Rupert Murdoch – and the Mail's editor, Paul Dacre.
Brown gave his opinions of Obama and his fellow US presidential candidates Hillary Clinton and John McCain after meeting the three of them in Washington in April 2008.Brown gave his opinions of Obama and his fellow US presidential candidates Hillary Clinton and John McCain after meeting the three of them in Washington in April 2008.
His view of the future president was that Obama was a "bit light": "I don't think he really gets what's happening with the economy; talking about how we need to reform for the future and all this stuff, he doesn't get how serious things are now," McBride quotes Brown as saying. His view of the future president was that Obama was a "bit light". "I don't think he really gets what's happening with the economy; talking about how we need to reform for the future and all this stuff, he doesn't get how serious things are now," McBride quotes Brown as saying.
The then prime minister was more positive about Clinton, calling her "unbelievably sharp, probably more than Bill". McCain was "very ideological".The then prime minister was more positive about Clinton, calling her "unbelievably sharp, probably more than Bill". McCain was "very ideological".
Three months later Brown's view of Obama had changed. Following private talks he said he was "stunned by the transformation" in the future president: "He's done some bloody homework, that guy," Brown said; "he's on top of it all now, totally gets what's happening. He's really impressive, really impressive."Three months later Brown's view of Obama had changed. Following private talks he said he was "stunned by the transformation" in the future president: "He's done some bloody homework, that guy," Brown said; "he's on top of it all now, totally gets what's happening. He's really impressive, really impressive."
McBride admits Brown tried to "force the relationship" with Obama, and bar the G20 in London, "their encounters from 2008 onwards looked rather undignified from the point of view of the UK press, culminating in Gordon's humiliating efforts to secure a one-on-one meeting in New York in September 2009".McBride admits Brown tried to "force the relationship" with Obama, and bar the G20 in London, "their encounters from 2008 onwards looked rather undignified from the point of view of the UK press, culminating in Gordon's humiliating efforts to secure a one-on-one meeting in New York in September 2009".
Brown presented Obama with a pen-holder carved from the timbers of a 19th-century slave ship; Obama got Brown 25 DVDs – "all great films without question," notes McBride, "but definitely a present with something of the Christmas Eve run to the petrol station about it."Brown presented Obama with a pen-holder carved from the timbers of a 19th-century slave ship; Obama got Brown 25 DVDs – "all great films without question," notes McBride, "but definitely a present with something of the Christmas Eve run to the petrol station about it."
'Callow Cameron'
'Callow Cameron'
Elsewhere in the book, McBride paints Cameron as rather callow as he tells an anecdote that plays into persistent criticisms that the prime minister is too keen on "chillaxing".Elsewhere in the book, McBride paints Cameron as rather callow as he tells an anecdote that plays into persistent criticisms that the prime minister is too keen on "chillaxing".
In 2007, Cameron and Brown were speaking on the phone after having had to cancel their holidays because of the foot and mouth outbreak. McBride writes that "Cameron asked Gordon almost pleadingly when he thought things would stabilise sufficiently so Gordon could go back to Dorset and Cameron could go back to Brittany. In 2007, Cameron and Brown were speaking on the phone after having had to cancel their holidays because of the foot-and-mouth outbreak. McBride writes: "Cameron asked Gordon almost pleadingly when he thought things would stabilise sufficiently so Gordon could go back to Dorset and Cameron could go back to Brittany.
"His exact words were: 'I can't go away until you do, and we won't get a holiday at this rate. But you really have to go away first.'""His exact words were: 'I can't go away until you do, and we won't get a holiday at this rate. But you really have to go away first.'"
According to McBride, Brown responded by telling him after the call: "That was personal, that was private. You don't say a word about that to anyone." Cameron then betrayed this trust by giving a series of TV interviews criticising Brown based on information from the call, McBride claims.According to McBride, Brown responded by telling him after the call: "That was personal, that was private. You don't say a word about that to anyone." Cameron then betrayed this trust by giving a series of TV interviews criticising Brown based on information from the call, McBride claims.
Nevertheless McBride says he and Brown always took the threat of Cameron seriously. From the moment Cameron emerged from the 2005 Tory leadership contest, McBride and Brown were worried. "If they [Cameron and George Osborne] were serious about modernising the Tory party; if they could succeed in neutralising the economy and public services as dividing line issues by agreeing with us on our tax and spending plans; and if – as was evident – they had the image and freshness to go with it, then they represented a real threat to Gordon's chances of succeeding Tony [Blair], and then of winning any subsequent election," he writes. Nevertheless McBride says he and Brown always took the threat of Cameron seriously. From the moment Cameron emerged from the 2005 Tory leadership contest, the pair were worried. "If they [Cameron and George Osborne] were serious about modernising the Tory party; if they could succeed in neutralising the economy and public services as dividing line issues by agreeing with us on our tax and spending plans; and if – as was evident – they had the image and freshness to go with it, then they represented a real threat to Gordon's chances of succeeding Tony [Blair], and then of winning any subsequent election," McBride writes.
McBride says he rejected "the main Labour attack lines" of focusing on Cameron and Osborne's poshness, preferring to try to paint them as "incompetent and weak", and as "kids" who weren't up to the job.McBride says he rejected "the main Labour attack lines" of focusing on Cameron and Osborne's poshness, preferring to try to paint them as "incompetent and weak", and as "kids" who weren't up to the job.
That approach had a double value: the Brown team was "at the same time sending a not-so-subtle message to those on our own side who were giving David Miliband the glad eye". That approach eventually culminated at the 2008 Labour conference in Brown's "no time for a novice" jibe aimed at both Cameron and Miliband, at that time seen as a leadership threat to Brown.That approach had a double value: the Brown team was "at the same time sending a not-so-subtle message to those on our own side who were giving David Miliband the glad eye". That approach eventually culminated at the 2008 Labour conference in Brown's "no time for a novice" jibe aimed at both Cameron and Miliband, at that time seen as a leadership threat to Brown.
McBride attacks Cameron's decision to block Brown's candidacy for head of the IMF once he had left Downing Street, calling it not just partisan but "also tremendously short-sighted", because "having Gordon run the IMF would have effectively neutralised the organisation's influence on the 2015 election. Any criticism in the IMF's reports on the UK economy could simply have been dismissed by Osborne with a 'What do you expect?' shrug." McBride attacks Cameron's decision to block Brown's candidacy for head of the International Monetary Fund once he had left Downing Street, calling it not just partisan but "also tremendously short-sighted", because "having Gordon run the IMF would have effectively neutralised the organisation's influence on the 2015 election. Any criticism in the IMF's reports on the UK economy could simply have been dismissed by Osborne with a 'What do you expect?' shrug."
He praises Cameron for his response to the expenses scandal, saying the Tory leader "seemed remarkably well-prepared for the emergence of the story, and calm and decisive in his response". Brown, by contrast, was "not only taken completely by surprise by the revelations, but also thrown into a total tailspin" by the Daily Telegraph's decision to focus on him in its initial coverage. He praises Cameron for his response to the parliamentary expenses scandal, saying the Tory leader "seemed remarkably well-prepared for the emergence of the story, and calm and decisive in his response". Brown, by contrast, was "not only taken completely by surprise by the revelations, but also thrown into a total tailspin" by the Daily Telegraph's decision to focus on him in its initial coverage.
McBride also confirms, in case anyone was wondering, that Brown "considered the Queen more important than [Rupert] Murdoch". McBride also confirms, in case anyone was wondering, that Brown "considered the Queen more important than Murdoch".
Rupert Murdoch
Rupert Murdoch
When a Treasury civil servant accidentally sent a "daft joke about the Chinese" to the entire Treasury press list, Brown was worried about "relations with the Chinese – not least Rupert Murdoch's then-wife Wendi Deng" and felt "the Treasury should show no mercy". But after McBride reminded him that this civil servant wrote Brown's annual note on horse-racing for his audience with the Queen, Brown's position shifted, "definitive proof that Gordon considered the Queen more important than Murdoch". When a Treasury civil servant accidentally sent a "daft joke about the Chinese" to the entire Treasury press list, Brown was worried about "relations with the Chinese – not least Rupert Murdoch's then-wife Wendi Deng" and felt "the Treasury should show no mercy". But after McBride reminded him that this civil servant wrote Brown's annual note on horseracing for his audience with the Queen, Brown's position shifted, "definitive proof that Gordon considered the Queen more important than Murdoch".
Slightly more space is given to another influential media figure – Paul Dacre, whose Daily Mail paid £130,000 to serialise the book. Slightly more space is given to another influential media figure – Dacre, whose Daily Mail paid £130,000 to serialise the book.
McBride compares Brown's "very strong" relationship with Dacre with his relationship with Tony Blair – "bar all the shouting" – in that "because all their meetings took place behind closed doors … no one was ever quite sure how they interacted with each other in private, or how open, warm or personal they were with each other". McBride compares Brown's "very strong" relationship with Dacre with his relationship with Blair – "bar all the shouting" – in that "because all their meetings took place behind closed doors … no one was ever quite sure how they interacted with each other in private, or how open, warm or personal they were with each other".
McBride claims he never heard of any Mail journalist being instructed to "go soft" on Brown because of this relationship, and "Gordon never told me that we were to put any particular scoops in the Mail's direction".McBride claims he never heard of any Mail journalist being instructed to "go soft" on Brown because of this relationship, and "Gordon never told me that we were to put any particular scoops in the Mail's direction".
McBride says Dacre "effectively scuppered one of my greatest plans" - a plan to cut the 30-year rule for releasing government papers to 15 years, and then rush out papers for all the years up to 1995 so that if Labour won the 2010 election promising to be "the only government ever to publish the secrets of our own time in office while still in power". McBride says Dacre "effectively scuppered one of my greatest plans" – a plan to cut the 30-year rule for releasing government papers to 15 years, and then rush out papers for all the years up to 1995 so that if Labour won the 2010 election promising to be "the only government ever to publish the secrets of our own time in office while still in power".
Brown asked Dacre to lead a review into the subject, but his eventual plan was slower and exempted the royal family, "which defeated some of the long-term news value", McBride says.Brown asked Dacre to lead a review into the subject, but his eventual plan was slower and exempted the royal family, "which defeated some of the long-term news value", McBride says.
Our editors' picks for the day's top news and commentary delivered to your inbox each morning.Our editors' picks for the day's top news and commentary delivered to your inbox each morning.