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The left doesn't need a new party. It needs some new ideas The left doesn't need a new party. It needs some new ideas
(1 day later)
Capitalism is floundering yet the left is failing to make headway. Indeed, since the 2008 financial crash it is movements of the right that have been gaining ground, while the crisis of unregulated markets has been retrospectively framed as one of profligate spending by those who have long sought to roll back the state.Capitalism is floundering yet the left is failing to make headway. Indeed, since the 2008 financial crash it is movements of the right that have been gaining ground, while the crisis of unregulated markets has been retrospectively framed as one of profligate spending by those who have long sought to roll back the state.
While a dispute is growing in the Liberal Democrats over whether the government should do more to stimulate economic recovery, for many on the left, the blame for the sorry state of affairs lies squarely at the feet of timid and ineffective social democratic parties. And the critics surely have a point. Instead of vociferously pointing out that, during the so-called spendthrift years, net public debt in Britain was close to its lowest ratio to GDP in 300 years, since 2010 Labour has been busy squabbling over which sibling should lead the party and how many meetings to have before announcing a policy.While a dispute is growing in the Liberal Democrats over whether the government should do more to stimulate economic recovery, for many on the left, the blame for the sorry state of affairs lies squarely at the feet of timid and ineffective social democratic parties. And the critics surely have a point. Instead of vociferously pointing out that, during the so-called spendthrift years, net public debt in Britain was close to its lowest ratio to GDP in 300 years, since 2010 Labour has been busy squabbling over which sibling should lead the party and how many meetings to have before announcing a policy.
As a result, there have been increasing murmurings from the discontented about the formation of a new party of the left; that appear to have reached fruition with the creation of Left Unity, a "new political formation which rejects austerity and war, advocates a greater democratisation of our society and institutions, and poses a new way of organising everyday life". With the backing of several high profile leftwingers, Left Unity will host its founding conference in London on 30 November, with the aim of fighting elections on the socialist platform it claims Labour has abandoned.As a result, there have been increasing murmurings from the discontented about the formation of a new party of the left; that appear to have reached fruition with the creation of Left Unity, a "new political formation which rejects austerity and war, advocates a greater democratisation of our society and institutions, and poses a new way of organising everyday life". With the backing of several high profile leftwingers, Left Unity will host its founding conference in London on 30 November, with the aim of fighting elections on the socialist platform it claims Labour has abandoned.
While it's easy to sympathise with the sentiments behind Left Unity, it is difficult not to feel that the creation of a new party is missing the point. For, while it is correct to call Labour out for its half-baked message, the crux of Labour's inertia is not so much due to Ed Miliband selling out, but rather down to the left no longer knowing what it stands for – a consequence of failing to get to grips with a 30-year crisis of socialism and social democracy.While it's easy to sympathise with the sentiments behind Left Unity, it is difficult not to feel that the creation of a new party is missing the point. For, while it is correct to call Labour out for its half-baked message, the crux of Labour's inertia is not so much due to Ed Miliband selling out, but rather down to the left no longer knowing what it stands for – a consequence of failing to get to grips with a 30-year crisis of socialism and social democracy.
During the 20th century, however much the democratic left understandably sought to distance itself from the tyrannical systems of the east, both democratic socialists and communists shared certain economic assumptions. One of these was that economic planning could be made to rationalise production for the benefit of society and the state, rather than a handful of wealthy capitalists. In practice, of course, planning required the impossible: that the state should have perfect knowledge of society's resources, technical capabilities, and the needs and wants of the citizenry. The resulting failure of planning led most on the established left to drop the idea; however nothing has thus far taken its place, leaving a howling ideological void in contrast to the relative certainty of the past.During the 20th century, however much the democratic left understandably sought to distance itself from the tyrannical systems of the east, both democratic socialists and communists shared certain economic assumptions. One of these was that economic planning could be made to rationalise production for the benefit of society and the state, rather than a handful of wealthy capitalists. In practice, of course, planning required the impossible: that the state should have perfect knowledge of society's resources, technical capabilities, and the needs and wants of the citizenry. The resulting failure of planning led most on the established left to drop the idea; however nothing has thus far taken its place, leaving a howling ideological void in contrast to the relative certainty of the past.
For social democrats too, the end of the 20th century had similarly confusing consequences. However desirable it might once have been to squeeze the rich, with the passage of time, taxing them past a certain point became counterproductive, with little to prevent those with a very high level of income from packing their bags and taking their talents abroad. Being "incredibly relaxed" about the filthy rich, in Peter Mandelson's words, was in reality a cover for government being unable to do a damn thing about them.For social democrats too, the end of the 20th century had similarly confusing consequences. However desirable it might once have been to squeeze the rich, with the passage of time, taxing them past a certain point became counterproductive, with little to prevent those with a very high level of income from packing their bags and taking their talents abroad. Being "incredibly relaxed" about the filthy rich, in Peter Mandelson's words, was in reality a cover for government being unable to do a damn thing about them.
The formation of yet another party of the left fails even to come close to resolving these issues. Instead it simply kicks them into the long grass all the better to bask in the purity of opposition – making it harder for the left to carry out its most urgent task: defeating the Tories at the 2015 election. Wishing to break with the Labour party's politics of 1997, 2001, 2005 and 2010 may be understandable. Pretending it is still 1945 – or worse, 1917 – is not, and is a distraction from fighting the injustices of the 21st century.The formation of yet another party of the left fails even to come close to resolving these issues. Instead it simply kicks them into the long grass all the better to bask in the purity of opposition – making it harder for the left to carry out its most urgent task: defeating the Tories at the 2015 election. Wishing to break with the Labour party's politics of 1997, 2001, 2005 and 2010 may be understandable. Pretending it is still 1945 – or worse, 1917 – is not, and is a distraction from fighting the injustices of the 21st century.
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