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Nick Clegg's poor choices made him irrelevant, and we are all paying Nick Clegg's poor choices made him irrelevant, and we are all paying
(3 days later)
This summer the Home Office sent vans around London, ostensibly aimed at illegal immigrants, bearing the slogan "Go home or face arrest". It was not the sort of stunt you would expect from a coalition government with a Liberal Democrat deputy prime minister, or from a Home Office with a Liberal Democrat minister of state. But Nick Clegg's response to it was telling. When challenged over whether the Liberal Democrats had signed off the "racist van", he said it did not need his permission and that it "didn't require or receive the consent of the Liberal Democrat in the Home Office".This summer the Home Office sent vans around London, ostensibly aimed at illegal immigrants, bearing the slogan "Go home or face arrest". It was not the sort of stunt you would expect from a coalition government with a Liberal Democrat deputy prime minister, or from a Home Office with a Liberal Democrat minister of state. But Nick Clegg's response to it was telling. When challenged over whether the Liberal Democrats had signed off the "racist van", he said it did not need his permission and that it "didn't require or receive the consent of the Liberal Democrat in the Home Office".
This is the opposite of a defence. It is an assertion of powerlessness as if it's a good thing. And by admitting that Tories can make policy without discussing it with Liberal Democrat colleagues, it illustrates perfectly where Clegg went wrong in his coalition deal.This is the opposite of a defence. It is an assertion of powerlessness as if it's a good thing. And by admitting that Tories can make policy without discussing it with Liberal Democrat colleagues, it illustrates perfectly where Clegg went wrong in his coalition deal.
As a member of Labour's team in the coalition negotiations with the Liberal Democrats in May 2010, I might not be the most objective commentator. But what I saw then, and what the country has seen since, has convinced me that Clegg made a series of serious misjudgments which are costing the country (and his party) dear.As a member of Labour's team in the coalition negotiations with the Liberal Democrats in May 2010, I might not be the most objective commentator. But what I saw then, and what the country has seen since, has convinced me that Clegg made a series of serious misjudgments which are costing the country (and his party) dear.
First, he closed down his options. By saying that he was obliged to seek agreement with the party that had won the most seats – a mythical constitutional doctrine – he gave legitimacy to the Tories and fatally undermined Labour support for a Lab-Lib coalition. With Labour and the Lib Dems having 315 seats, plus 28 from largely anti-Tory smaller parties, against the Tories' 307, this remained mathematically possible. But Clegg changed the dynamic and turned decisively right, not left.First, he closed down his options. By saying that he was obliged to seek agreement with the party that had won the most seats – a mythical constitutional doctrine – he gave legitimacy to the Tories and fatally undermined Labour support for a Lab-Lib coalition. With Labour and the Lib Dems having 315 seats, plus 28 from largely anti-Tory smaller parties, against the Tories' 307, this remained mathematically possible. But Clegg changed the dynamic and turned decisively right, not left.
In doing so, he abandoned the economic policy on which he and Vince Cable had fought the election and chose to back a Conservative economic plan which a majority of the country had voted against. If Clegg has since had difficulty persuading people that he stands for anything that really matters, it is not hard to see why.In doing so, he abandoned the economic policy on which he and Vince Cable had fought the election and chose to back a Conservative economic plan which a majority of the country had voted against. If Clegg has since had difficulty persuading people that he stands for anything that really matters, it is not hard to see why.
Clegg's second mistake was to take the position of deputy prime minister, with constitutional reform as his only portfolio, the idea being that, shorn of departmental responsibilities, he could better oversee all departments – much like the prime minister. But he failed to realise that the prime minister wields all the resources and authority of No 10. The deputy prime minister has none of that. And Clegg's constitutional reforms – AV and an elected House of Lords – are already lost so instead he is parading a plastic bag tax as one of his greatest achievements of 2013.Clegg's second mistake was to take the position of deputy prime minister, with constitutional reform as his only portfolio, the idea being that, shorn of departmental responsibilities, he could better oversee all departments – much like the prime minister. But he failed to realise that the prime minister wields all the resources and authority of No 10. The deputy prime minister has none of that. And Clegg's constitutional reforms – AV and an elected House of Lords – are already lost so instead he is parading a plastic bag tax as one of his greatest achievements of 2013.
His third error was to concede a dreadful allocation of ministerial posts. Business and Energy were the only major head of department positions secured by the Lib Dems, who even there are man-marked by hostile Tories. In my discussions with Gordon Brown about a possible coalition, I suggested that the Lib Dems should take cabinet posts in an international department, a key public service or welfare department and a "green" department, with Clegg combining one of these with the deputy premiership. Clegg secured almost none of these.His third error was to concede a dreadful allocation of ministerial posts. Business and Energy were the only major head of department positions secured by the Lib Dems, who even there are man-marked by hostile Tories. In my discussions with Gordon Brown about a possible coalition, I suggested that the Lib Dems should take cabinet posts in an international department, a key public service or welfare department and a "green" department, with Clegg combining one of these with the deputy premiership. Clegg secured almost none of these.
Virtually all the players in the key "power triangles" of secretary of state, prime minister and chancellor, in which any government's policies are agreed day by day, are Conservatives. The best the Liberal Democrats have been able to secure in most big policy areas is an occasional veto or delaying power. The government thus has a Conservative economic policy – with which Clegg appears content – and its major reforms are Tory-led. There has been no "signature" Cable reform from the Department for Business, unless one counts the trebling of tuition fees.Virtually all the players in the key "power triangles" of secretary of state, prime minister and chancellor, in which any government's policies are agreed day by day, are Conservatives. The best the Liberal Democrats have been able to secure in most big policy areas is an occasional veto or delaying power. The government thus has a Conservative economic policy – with which Clegg appears content – and its major reforms are Tory-led. There has been no "signature" Cable reform from the Department for Business, unless one counts the trebling of tuition fees.
Clegg seems to have taken to heart Arthur Balfour's dictum that in politics "nothing matters very much and few things matter at all", the prize being simply to occupy office. He has given David Cameron a large majority in return for little more than the power to apply an occasional brake – a power he would have possessed more strongly had the Tories formed a minority government. For the Lib Dems, it has been an exercise in irrelevance. For the country, it has yielded years of austerity economics for which they never voted.Clegg seems to have taken to heart Arthur Balfour's dictum that in politics "nothing matters very much and few things matter at all", the prize being simply to occupy office. He has given David Cameron a large majority in return for little more than the power to apply an occasional brake – a power he would have possessed more strongly had the Tories formed a minority government. For the Lib Dems, it has been an exercise in irrelevance. For the country, it has yielded years of austerity economics for which they never voted.
Lord Adonis was transport secretary under the last Labour government. He is the author of Five Days in May, an account of the inter-party negotiations after the 2010 electionLord Adonis was transport secretary under the last Labour government. He is the author of Five Days in May, an account of the inter-party negotiations after the 2010 election
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