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| Brics in Africa: prizes and pitfalls of building a new global order | Brics in Africa: prizes and pitfalls of building a new global order |
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| The west has in recent years undergone a prolonged and painful financial crisis. In contrast, much of Africa has experienced relatively more rapid economic growth. While there are questions about the environmental impact, sustainability and quality of Africa's growth, what accounts for these different economic trajectories? Part of the explanation lies in the growth of the Brics (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) economies. These are largely responsible for higher African economic growth through increased demand for primary commodities and investment in mining, infrastructure and other sectors. They are also changing the nature of globalisation. | The west has in recent years undergone a prolonged and painful financial crisis. In contrast, much of Africa has experienced relatively more rapid economic growth. While there are questions about the environmental impact, sustainability and quality of Africa's growth, what accounts for these different economic trajectories? Part of the explanation lies in the growth of the Brics (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) economies. These are largely responsible for higher African economic growth through increased demand for primary commodities and investment in mining, infrastructure and other sectors. They are also changing the nature of globalisation. |
| China is Africa's largest trading partner and source of new loans. According to one database, the Indian government is the largest leaser and purchaser of land on the continent in a "new scramble" to produce food and agrofuels in particular. South African and Brazilian companies are also substantial investors on the continent, and Russia is a major source of arms, although behind the US in this respect. | China is Africa's largest trading partner and source of new loans. According to one database, the Indian government is the largest leaser and purchaser of land on the continent in a "new scramble" to produce food and agrofuels in particular. South African and Brazilian companies are also substantial investors on the continent, and Russia is a major source of arms, although behind the US in this respect. |
| However, much investment from the Brics, and from China in particular, is through state-owned corporations such as the China Nonferrous Metals Corporation. Rather than being driven by quarterly stock market returns, these companies have longer time horizons. The fact that the operations of these companies are influenced by strategic national planning also gives them a different character from western corporations. Globalisation is often thought to be led by private sector. This is not the case for some of the Brics, where we are seeing a globalisation of state power. | However, much investment from the Brics, and from China in particular, is through state-owned corporations such as the China Nonferrous Metals Corporation. Rather than being driven by quarterly stock market returns, these companies have longer time horizons. The fact that the operations of these companies are influenced by strategic national planning also gives them a different character from western corporations. Globalisation is often thought to be led by private sector. This is not the case for some of the Brics, where we are seeing a globalisation of state power. |
| The Brics powers collectively have a policy of non-interference in the domestic politics of their partner or client states. This is very attractive to incumbent African political elites, who tend to stay in power substantially longer than their counterparts in other world regions. The Brics powers provide alternative sources of trade, investment, loans, aid and arms from traditional western "partners". Whereas western countries and the institutions that they have historically controlled, such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, have often insisted on free-market economic reforms and (sometimes) electoral democracy, this is not the case for the Brics. | The Brics powers collectively have a policy of non-interference in the domestic politics of their partner or client states. This is very attractive to incumbent African political elites, who tend to stay in power substantially longer than their counterparts in other world regions. The Brics powers provide alternative sources of trade, investment, loans, aid and arms from traditional western "partners". Whereas western countries and the institutions that they have historically controlled, such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, have often insisted on free-market economic reforms and (sometimes) electoral democracy, this is not the case for the Brics. |
| The growth of emerging powers and their increasing projection of influence in Africa is reconfiguring global geopolitics, creating a new large-scale region – a "south space", which seeks to achieve, and increasingly is achieving, greater autonomy from the west. This new macro-region is defined by a shared history of colonial exploitation and western intervention, intensifying flows of trade, investment and aid, and increasingly "hard shell" sovereignty, where governments in Africa are often able to resist calls to respect human rights, for example. At the same time, the Brics powers exercise increasing influence on the continent through aid, diplomacy and economic investment. | The growth of emerging powers and their increasing projection of influence in Africa is reconfiguring global geopolitics, creating a new large-scale region – a "south space", which seeks to achieve, and increasingly is achieving, greater autonomy from the west. This new macro-region is defined by a shared history of colonial exploitation and western intervention, intensifying flows of trade, investment and aid, and increasingly "hard shell" sovereignty, where governments in Africa are often able to resist calls to respect human rights, for example. At the same time, the Brics powers exercise increasing influence on the continent through aid, diplomacy and economic investment. |
| The rise of the Brics in Africa has many positive dimensions to it. Chinese and Indian demand for natural resources have dramatically increased their prices, to the benefit of many African economies as these are often their primary exports. Chinese infrastructure for resource swaps, where new roads and railways are paid for in copper, for example, are less susceptible to corruption. Also, the fact that the Brics are less prescriptive about economic policy has opened up space for policy experimentation and learning based on African rather than western conditions. | The rise of the Brics in Africa has many positive dimensions to it. Chinese and Indian demand for natural resources have dramatically increased their prices, to the benefit of many African economies as these are often their primary exports. Chinese infrastructure for resource swaps, where new roads and railways are paid for in copper, for example, are less susceptible to corruption. Also, the fact that the Brics are less prescriptive about economic policy has opened up space for policy experimentation and learning based on African rather than western conditions. |
| The rise of the Brics in Africa is a momentous event, as the continent's economic relations are reoriented from the west to the east and south. This has many progressive dimensions to it, such as some of those listed above. However, the rhetoric of "south-south co-operation" and "win-win" globalisation disguises huge and deepening power inequalities between African countries and China in particular. | The rise of the Brics in Africa is a momentous event, as the continent's economic relations are reoriented from the west to the east and south. This has many progressive dimensions to it, such as some of those listed above. However, the rhetoric of "south-south co-operation" and "win-win" globalisation disguises huge and deepening power inequalities between African countries and China in particular. |
| As has been the case previously, political elites in Africa have been very skilful in converting and leveraging international relations to bolster their own regimes and authority. The Brics powers have generally been happy to help them in this endeavour, as long as they are assured continued access to resources, land and markets. For example, the Chinese government reportedly helped Robert Mugabe's regime monitor internet traffic and phones calls in advance of the recent, and extremely dubious and disturbing election in Zimbabwe. | As has been the case previously, political elites in Africa have been very skilful in converting and leveraging international relations to bolster their own regimes and authority. The Brics powers have generally been happy to help them in this endeavour, as long as they are assured continued access to resources, land and markets. For example, the Chinese government reportedly helped Robert Mugabe's regime monitor internet traffic and phones calls in advance of the recent, and extremely dubious and disturbing election in Zimbabwe. |
| Growing economies in Africa – if they can be sustained over the medium and longer terms – hopefully mean the further enlargement of the middle and working classes, which have historically been better at making and keeping states more accountable. | Growing economies in Africa – if they can be sustained over the medium and longer terms – hopefully mean the further enlargement of the middle and working classes, which have historically been better at making and keeping states more accountable. |
| In Africa, the struggle to ensure a fairer and more beneficial sharing of the results of a rebalancing, and increasingly eastern-centred, global order has begun, as evidenced by the numerous organisations on the continent seeking justice for those displaced by land grabbing, for example. The future of the continent increasingly hinges on the outcomes of these struggles and the continent's relationship with the Brics. | In Africa, the struggle to ensure a fairer and more beneficial sharing of the results of a rebalancing, and increasingly eastern-centred, global order has begun, as evidenced by the numerous organisations on the continent seeking justice for those displaced by land grabbing, for example. The future of the continent increasingly hinges on the outcomes of these struggles and the continent's relationship with the Brics. |
| • Pádraig Carmody's book Rise of the Brics in Africa: The Geopolitics of South-South Relations is published by Zed Books on 12 September. Carmody lectures in development geography at Trinity College Dublin | • Pádraig Carmody's book Rise of the Brics in Africa: The Geopolitics of South-South Relations is published by Zed Books on 12 September. Carmody lectures in development geography at Trinity College Dublin |
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