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Three ways for Britain's Labour party and Europe's left to find their voice Three ways for Britain's Labour party and Europe's left to find their voice
(14 days later)
Five years on from the collapse of Lehman Brothers, the left in Britain and throughout continental Europe is yet to find its political voice. At first glance, this might seem counterintuitive. Failing banks and ailing financial markets should have ushered in a period of social democratic dominance, as the paradigm of market liberalism in the west appeared exhausted. A window of opportunity opened up to rehabilitate the role of the state after two decades of neoliberal orthodoxy.Five years on from the collapse of Lehman Brothers, the left in Britain and throughout continental Europe is yet to find its political voice. At first glance, this might seem counterintuitive. Failing banks and ailing financial markets should have ushered in a period of social democratic dominance, as the paradigm of market liberalism in the west appeared exhausted. A window of opportunity opened up to rehabilitate the role of the state after two decades of neoliberal orthodoxy.
But it hasn't worked out that way. Across Europe, centre-left parties are on the back foot. In Germany and Norway, defeat beckons in this month's elections. Further afield, despite shielding the nation from the global downturn, the Australian Labor party looks set to be punished in Saturday's elections. Closer to home, Britain's Labour party has struggled to spell out a clear but compelling economic and political alternative. The common pattern across European countries is not a wave of support for traditional conservatism, but a rush to embrace a populist prospectus such as that offered up in Britain by Nigel Farage's burgeoning UK Independence party.But it hasn't worked out that way. Across Europe, centre-left parties are on the back foot. In Germany and Norway, defeat beckons in this month's elections. Further afield, despite shielding the nation from the global downturn, the Australian Labor party looks set to be punished in Saturday's elections. Closer to home, Britain's Labour party has struggled to spell out a clear but compelling economic and political alternative. The common pattern across European countries is not a wave of support for traditional conservatism, but a rush to embrace a populist prospectus such as that offered up in Britain by Nigel Farage's burgeoning UK Independence party.
So for the left, what is to be done? There are three lessons that social democrats ought to heed. The first is that opposition to austerity alone is not enough to win power. To be sure, premature cuts have weakened growth, jobs and living standards, whatever the signs of tentative UK recovery. Masochistic austerity in southern Europe threatens to unleash a social and political catastrophe.So for the left, what is to be done? There are three lessons that social democrats ought to heed. The first is that opposition to austerity alone is not enough to win power. To be sure, premature cuts have weakened growth, jobs and living standards, whatever the signs of tentative UK recovery. Masochistic austerity in southern Europe threatens to unleash a social and political catastrophe.
However, centre-left parties must show how they would be competent managers of the economy articulating a coherent plan to deal with unprecedented levels of debt: not just a commitment to reducing net public sector debt over the economic cycle, but tackling financial sector and household debt, exacerbated once again by George Osborne's irresponsible effort to stoke housing market demand. Social democrats have to be prepared to govern with less money around. It isn't about mimicking the right, but identifying how to get better value from public revenue to achieve more equal life chances. For instance, shifting resources from housing benefit into "bricks and mortar", building more homes for social rent rather than subsiding private landlords, is a win-win for economic efficiency and social justice.However, centre-left parties must show how they would be competent managers of the economy articulating a coherent plan to deal with unprecedented levels of debt: not just a commitment to reducing net public sector debt over the economic cycle, but tackling financial sector and household debt, exacerbated once again by George Osborne's irresponsible effort to stoke housing market demand. Social democrats have to be prepared to govern with less money around. It isn't about mimicking the right, but identifying how to get better value from public revenue to achieve more equal life chances. For instance, shifting resources from housing benefit into "bricks and mortar", building more homes for social rent rather than subsiding private landlords, is a win-win for economic efficiency and social justice.
The second object lesson is that the economic crisis must not distract the left from confronting deeper underlying patterns and trends. Of course, it is still "the economy, stupid". Yet centre-left parties are losing elections because voters don't trust them to protect their way of life from the seemingly impersonal forces of global change. There is little to be gained by raising the drawbridge: for social democrats, flirting with restrictive immigration policy is economically illiterate as well as politically unprincipled.The second object lesson is that the economic crisis must not distract the left from confronting deeper underlying patterns and trends. Of course, it is still "the economy, stupid". Yet centre-left parties are losing elections because voters don't trust them to protect their way of life from the seemingly impersonal forces of global change. There is little to be gained by raising the drawbridge: for social democrats, flirting with restrictive immigration policy is economically illiterate as well as politically unprincipled.
Nonetheless, more has to be done to protect the most vulnerable and low waged. The founders of Europe never envisaged the union undermining the livelihoods of working people by permitting the uncontrolled exploitation of low-cost labour from eastern Europe. More safeguards on agency working and zero-hour contracts are urgently required.Nonetheless, more has to be done to protect the most vulnerable and low waged. The founders of Europe never envisaged the union undermining the livelihoods of working people by permitting the uncontrolled exploitation of low-cost labour from eastern Europe. More safeguards on agency working and zero-hour contracts are urgently required.
Finally, centre-left parties have to resist being squeezed between neoliberalism and new social movements. Governing responsibly and rebuilding economic credibility ought not to be achieved by rejecting all ties to social and environmental activism, given the political energy and vitality that arise from the networked society. More than ever, people want to be agents of change themselves: whether saving historic pubs from demolition by unscrupulous private developers, or self-building communal housing projects. Casting a ballot every four to five years no longer constitutes meaningful political engagement. Across Europe, social democrats have to form new alliances in pursuit of a better society.Finally, centre-left parties have to resist being squeezed between neoliberalism and new social movements. Governing responsibly and rebuilding economic credibility ought not to be achieved by rejecting all ties to social and environmental activism, given the political energy and vitality that arise from the networked society. More than ever, people want to be agents of change themselves: whether saving historic pubs from demolition by unscrupulous private developers, or self-building communal housing projects. Casting a ballot every four to five years no longer constitutes meaningful political engagement. Across Europe, social democrats have to form new alliances in pursuit of a better society.
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