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The killing of Abdelsalam al-Mismari, and the triumph of fear in Libya The killing of Abdelsalam al-Mismari, and the triumph of fear in Libya
(about 2 months later)
The assassin waited in a car opposite the way. El Ghola mosque is in the old district of El Berka, in the heart of Benghazi, where the 44-year-old father of six, Abdelsalam al-Mismari, lived. After Friday prayers ended, Mismari remained with a friend in the private silence that fills a mosque once worshippers have left. When the two men wandered out into the sunlight, they were still engaged in conversation. The unknown car came closer. One bullet was fired. It pierced Mismari's chest. His friend drove him to hospital. Mismari died on the way.The assassin waited in a car opposite the way. El Ghola mosque is in the old district of El Berka, in the heart of Benghazi, where the 44-year-old father of six, Abdelsalam al-Mismari, lived. After Friday prayers ended, Mismari remained with a friend in the private silence that fills a mosque once worshippers have left. When the two men wandered out into the sunlight, they were still engaged in conversation. The unknown car came closer. One bullet was fired. It pierced Mismari's chest. His friend drove him to hospital. Mismari died on the way.
A human rights lawyer, Mismari confronted Muammar Gaddafi's oppressive regime and the criminal opportunism of the armed militias that have, since the overthrow of the Libyan dictator, been attempting to hold the country hostage. Mismari was one of the early leaders of the February revolution. When Benghazi was liberated, he was chosen to recite the declaration of the revolution. His voice rang out as he read the demand for a democratic state governed by the rule of law.A human rights lawyer, Mismari confronted Muammar Gaddafi's oppressive regime and the criminal opportunism of the armed militias that have, since the overthrow of the Libyan dictator, been attempting to hold the country hostage. Mismari was one of the early leaders of the February revolution. When Benghazi was liberated, he was chosen to recite the declaration of the revolution. His voice rang out as he read the demand for a democratic state governed by the rule of law.
It should be against the rules of physics that a bullet worth the price of a few cigarettes is capable of ending such a life.It should be against the rules of physics that a bullet worth the price of a few cigarettes is capable of ending such a life.
The murder of Abdelsalam al-Mismari brings the number of political assassinations in Benghazi since the end of the civil war to 61. In other words, what happened last Friday has been happening on average every 12 days. Unless something changes, the number will continue rising. Libya's second city – and the birthplace of the revolution – has become a very dangerous place, particularly if you are a champion of democracy, the rule of law, the independence of civil society institutions and, most of all, the creation of a national army that is answerable to the elected government.The murder of Abdelsalam al-Mismari brings the number of political assassinations in Benghazi since the end of the civil war to 61. In other words, what happened last Friday has been happening on average every 12 days. Unless something changes, the number will continue rising. Libya's second city – and the birthplace of the revolution – has become a very dangerous place, particularly if you are a champion of democracy, the rule of law, the independence of civil society institutions and, most of all, the creation of a national army that is answerable to the elected government.
In the early days, the government had no choice but to rely on the militias to guard national borders and assets. Very quickly, though, these militias became grotesquely large and powerful, with some of them boasting hundreds of tanks. They began imposing their own agendas. And because they do not wish to lose any of the power that they have gained, they have been obstructing the government's plans to train troops. Several officials will tell you in private that the plans to build a national army are a total shambles.In the early days, the government had no choice but to rely on the militias to guard national borders and assets. Very quickly, though, these militias became grotesquely large and powerful, with some of them boasting hundreds of tanks. They began imposing their own agendas. And because they do not wish to lose any of the power that they have gained, they have been obstructing the government's plans to train troops. Several officials will tell you in private that the plans to build a national army are a total shambles.
In practical terms the government today has very limited powers. It is working under incredibly difficult circumstances. It is not uncommon, for example, that armed men will storm a minister's office, demanding money or influence on a particular decision. The leadership is caught between threats from militias and the legitimate frustrations of the terribly exhausted and impatient populace that elected it.In practical terms the government today has very limited powers. It is working under incredibly difficult circumstances. It is not uncommon, for example, that armed men will storm a minister's office, demanding money or influence on a particular decision. The leadership is caught between threats from militias and the legitimate frustrations of the terribly exhausted and impatient populace that elected it.
The only reason the government in Tripoli has not completely collapsed is because the influence of militias has so far remained regional. However, to complicate matters further, this situation has strengthened the position of the federalists who wish to break Libya up into regional states.The only reason the government in Tripoli has not completely collapsed is because the influence of militias has so far remained regional. However, to complicate matters further, this situation has strengthened the position of the federalists who wish to break Libya up into regional states.
It is not clear who killed Abdelsalam al-Mismari. It could be any one of several groups fighting against the positions that Mismari advocated. It could be a militia or remnants of the old regime exacting revenge on one of the bright lights of the revolution. Whoever it was, their aim was not only to silence Mismari but also to frighten civil society. A few hours after the assassination, an anonymously published list of names of those next in line appeared on the internet.It is not clear who killed Abdelsalam al-Mismari. It could be any one of several groups fighting against the positions that Mismari advocated. It could be a militia or remnants of the old regime exacting revenge on one of the bright lights of the revolution. Whoever it was, their aim was not only to silence Mismari but also to frighten civil society. A few hours after the assassination, an anonymously published list of names of those next in line appeared on the internet.
Mismari's funeral on Saturday became an occasion for protests against violence, but the turnout was not as large as many expected. Perhaps it was hopelessness; perhaps fear. The following day, in an act that demoralised the nation even further, the courthouse in Benghazi – that iconic building where Mismari and a small group of lawyers had risked their lives in February 2011 – was attacked.Mismari's funeral on Saturday became an occasion for protests against violence, but the turnout was not as large as many expected. Perhaps it was hopelessness; perhaps fear. The following day, in an act that demoralised the nation even further, the courthouse in Benghazi – that iconic building where Mismari and a small group of lawyers had risked their lives in February 2011 – was attacked.
Among the first casualties of the February revolution was fear. Back then you often heard demonstrators chanting: "No more fear." Libyans used to be afraid of a brutal state; now they are afraid of the absence of the state. Without an army and a police force to protect the people and guard the independence and authority of civil servants and elected officials, a new conflict is brewing. It could plunge the country into a war even longer and bloodier than the last.Among the first casualties of the February revolution was fear. Back then you often heard demonstrators chanting: "No more fear." Libyans used to be afraid of a brutal state; now they are afraid of the absence of the state. Without an army and a police force to protect the people and guard the independence and authority of civil servants and elected officials, a new conflict is brewing. It could plunge the country into a war even longer and bloodier than the last.
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