This article is from the source 'guardian' and was first published or seen on . It last changed over 40 days ago and won't be checked again for changes.

You can find the current article at its original source at http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2013/jul/26/tunisia-mohamed-brahmi-murder-crisis

The article has changed 2 times. There is an RSS feed of changes available.

Version 0 Version 1
Tunisia: moment of crisis Tunisia: moment of crisis
(2 months later)
With Syria in flames, Egypt deadlocked and Libya enfeebled, a Tunisian failure would complete the gloom casting a growing shadow over a revolution once so widely welcomed in the region and beyond. The murder of Mohamed Brahmi in Tunis on Thursday was followed on Friday by protest rallies, calls for the resignation of the government, the burning down of provincial offices of the ruling Ennahda party, and the calling of a general strike. Some of the government's opponents have stridently blamed Ennahda for Mr Brahmi's death, either directly or through a neglect of the need to police and detain Islamist extremists.With Syria in flames, Egypt deadlocked and Libya enfeebled, a Tunisian failure would complete the gloom casting a growing shadow over a revolution once so widely welcomed in the region and beyond. The murder of Mohamed Brahmi in Tunis on Thursday was followed on Friday by protest rallies, calls for the resignation of the government, the burning down of provincial offices of the ruling Ennahda party, and the calling of a general strike. Some of the government's opponents have stridently blamed Ennahda for Mr Brahmi's death, either directly or through a neglect of the need to police and detain Islamist extremists.
Ennahda and the country's powerful trade union body, the Union Générale Tunisienne du Travail, are in even deeper confrontation than was already the case. But the Ennahda leader, Rachid Ghannouchi, vowed: "Tunisia will not follow the Egyptian scenario." He was clearly seeking to calm the fears of those who worry that it is doing exactly that, while discouraging those who want to see a Cairo-style upheaval in the Tunisian capital.Ennahda and the country's powerful trade union body, the Union Générale Tunisienne du Travail, are in even deeper confrontation than was already the case. But the Ennahda leader, Rachid Ghannouchi, vowed: "Tunisia will not follow the Egyptian scenario." He was clearly seeking to calm the fears of those who worry that it is doing exactly that, while discouraging those who want to see a Cairo-style upheaval in the Tunisian capital.
There are good reasons to believe that Mr Ghannouchi is right. Shameful though this assassination was, and real though the anger may be, the reaction has in it elements of play-acting and manoeuvring for political advantage. It also undoubtedly represents a venting of the generalised frustration that has built up over two disappointing years since the transition from the old regime.There are good reasons to believe that Mr Ghannouchi is right. Shameful though this assassination was, and real though the anger may be, the reaction has in it elements of play-acting and manoeuvring for political advantage. It also undoubtedly represents a venting of the generalised frustration that has built up over two disappointing years since the transition from the old regime.
There are certainly aspects of the situation that recall the slippage in Egypt. The Tunisian government, like the Muslim Brotherhood administration in Cairo, has cosied up to businessmen who were allied to the old regime. As in Cairo, it has failed to reform the police or the justice system and, again as in Cairo, it has seemed slack in pursuing extremists on its side of the political spectrum. It has given jobs in large numbers to its followers. It has sacked respected technocrats, and it has been a less than competent manager of the economy.There are certainly aspects of the situation that recall the slippage in Egypt. The Tunisian government, like the Muslim Brotherhood administration in Cairo, has cosied up to businessmen who were allied to the old regime. As in Cairo, it has failed to reform the police or the justice system and, again as in Cairo, it has seemed slack in pursuing extremists on its side of the political spectrum. It has given jobs in large numbers to its followers. It has sacked respected technocrats, and it has been a less than competent manager of the economy.
But it has also, if belatedly and still not conclusively, edged toward a genuinely agreed constitution. It is in coalition with other parties, and it has reshuffled its cabinet after criticisms from the opposition. Above all, Tunisia does not have a powerful army. If Egyptian politics is a triangle of which the three points are the army, the Brotherhood and secular liberals, Tunisian politics is more a duopoly, Ennahda and the UGTT, with the liberals on the flank, being the two main structures of power. It would help if the killers of Mr Brahmi could be swiftly apprehended and those who directed them identified and pursued. That should now be the first order of the day.But it has also, if belatedly and still not conclusively, edged toward a genuinely agreed constitution. It is in coalition with other parties, and it has reshuffled its cabinet after criticisms from the opposition. Above all, Tunisia does not have a powerful army. If Egyptian politics is a triangle of which the three points are the army, the Brotherhood and secular liberals, Tunisian politics is more a duopoly, Ennahda and the UGTT, with the liberals on the flank, being the two main structures of power. It would help if the killers of Mr Brahmi could be swiftly apprehended and those who directed them identified and pursued. That should now be the first order of the day.
Our editors' picks for the day's top news and commentary delivered to your inbox each morning.