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To emulate Blair, Ed Miliband will have to stop imitating him To emulate Blair, Ed Miliband will have to stop imitating him
(2 months later)
In the oscillating world of British politics in which no leader heads for certain electoral victory, it is Ed Miliband's turn to start a summer break with searching questions being asked of him. Being leader of the opposition is the second most difficult job in British politics. He must lead a party struggling with internal divisions, oppose the government, and build a case for the next election in a way that appeals to as many voters as possible – while appearing as a natural alternative prime minister. The job is nearly impossible.In the oscillating world of British politics in which no leader heads for certain electoral victory, it is Ed Miliband's turn to start a summer break with searching questions being asked of him. Being leader of the opposition is the second most difficult job in British politics. He must lead a party struggling with internal divisions, oppose the government, and build a case for the next election in a way that appeals to as many voters as possible – while appearing as a natural alternative prime minister. The job is nearly impossible.
On quite a few counts Miliband is doing better than his critics – internal or external – expected or acknowledge. He has been courageous at times, and distinctive in his bravery: from opposing Rupert Murdoch to raising questions about the morality of markets before an electorate unused to orthodoxies being challenged in this way.On quite a few counts Miliband is doing better than his critics – internal or external – expected or acknowledge. He has been courageous at times, and distinctive in his bravery: from opposing Rupert Murdoch to raising questions about the morality of markets before an electorate unused to orthodoxies being challenged in this way.
He has also been brave in not doing certain things: avoiding the mad contrivance of "apologising" for Labour's spending record in government when he personally does not believe there is anything to apologise for; and keeping clear of corny photocalls such as hugging huskies that would have made him look deranged.He has also been brave in not doing certain things: avoiding the mad contrivance of "apologising" for Labour's spending record in government when he personally does not believe there is anything to apologise for; and keeping clear of corny photocalls such as hugging huskies that would have made him look deranged.
The one part of the leader's repertoire where Miliband fails to make a mark is in the public projection of his own personality, in theory one of the easier demands. The failure to discover a fully developed public voice manifests itself in a curious way. Often in public he chooses to speak like Tony Blair and adopt the former leader's mannerisms.The one part of the leader's repertoire where Miliband fails to make a mark is in the public projection of his own personality, in theory one of the easier demands. The failure to discover a fully developed public voice manifests itself in a curious way. Often in public he chooses to speak like Tony Blair and adopt the former leader's mannerisms.
Take the speech this month in which he outlined his potentially historic plans to change his party's ties with trade unions. Perhaps consciously Miliband adopted Blair's style of delivery, the crisp white shirt, verbless sentences, self-deprecating jokes, pauses for dramatic impact, and passages of exaggerated passion. On this at least he shares a characteristic with his brother. During David's recent farewell BBC interview with Andrew Marr I felt at times I was watching Blair.Take the speech this month in which he outlined his potentially historic plans to change his party's ties with trade unions. Perhaps consciously Miliband adopted Blair's style of delivery, the crisp white shirt, verbless sentences, self-deprecating jokes, pauses for dramatic impact, and passages of exaggerated passion. On this at least he shares a characteristic with his brother. During David's recent farewell BBC interview with Andrew Marr I felt at times I was watching Blair.
Ultimately in politics policies, values, experience, judgment and context matter more than public projection of personality. But the need to hit upon an authentic public voice is not trivial. Indeed, the recent past suggests that authenticity is a pre-condition to winning elections.Ultimately in politics policies, values, experience, judgment and context matter more than public projection of personality. But the need to hit upon an authentic public voice is not trivial. Indeed, the recent past suggests that authenticity is a pre-condition to winning elections.
David Cameron's struggle to find a unique public voice by the 2010 election was a factor in his failure to secure an overall majority. In contrast the three big election winners in the modern TV era all had distinct, compelling public personalities. None were entirely natural or smooth, but they were original. As a brief summary Harold Wilson had a throaty voice, learned to be quick-witted, and looked older than he was. Margaret Thatcher could be famously shrill. Tony Blair was the first leader at ease in denim, drinking a mug of tea.David Cameron's struggle to find a unique public voice by the 2010 election was a factor in his failure to secure an overall majority. In contrast the three big election winners in the modern TV era all had distinct, compelling public personalities. None were entirely natural or smooth, but they were original. As a brief summary Harold Wilson had a throaty voice, learned to be quick-witted, and looked older than he was. Margaret Thatcher could be famously shrill. Tony Blair was the first leader at ease in denim, drinking a mug of tea.
The Labour cabinet minister Barbara Castle observed of Thatcher perceptively that "power made her beautiful". She meant that whatever the policies and awkward personality, Thatcher and leadership fitted. The same applies to the other two big election winners.The Labour cabinet minister Barbara Castle observed of Thatcher perceptively that "power made her beautiful". She meant that whatever the policies and awkward personality, Thatcher and leadership fitted. The same applies to the other two big election winners.
The Blair-like echo in the public appearances of both Milibands suggest that neither is fully confident as public figures. This is not surprising. Their rise to the top was fast. They were not tested very much on the political stage. They also discovered raging personal ambition later than some. Wilson, Thatcher and Blair had been directly involved in several high-profile political battles before acquiring the crown. All made their mark as MPs rather than behind the scenes as special advisers.The Blair-like echo in the public appearances of both Milibands suggest that neither is fully confident as public figures. This is not surprising. Their rise to the top was fast. They were not tested very much on the political stage. They also discovered raging personal ambition later than some. Wilson, Thatcher and Blair had been directly involved in several high-profile political battles before acquiring the crown. All made their mark as MPs rather than behind the scenes as special advisers.
Miliband is far more experienced than most recent leaders of the opposition, but it was an experience based on being close to the centre of the stage in the New Labour era, rather than having to explain all as a public figure. Suddenly the glare is on him.Miliband is far more experienced than most recent leaders of the opposition, but it was an experience based on being close to the centre of the stage in the New Labour era, rather than having to explain all as a public figure. Suddenly the glare is on him.
This does not mean that Miliband is unsure what he wants to do with leadership, a different matter. He is a decent, modern social democrat who started out wanting to change this country as fundamentally as Thatcher did. An academic, he is influenced by his father, and has a good sense of humour without being exuberant. He combines these characteristics with a New Labour hunger to be praised by rightwing newspapers, and shares a fear with Gordon Brown that Britain can only be tilted leftwards by incremental stealth. There must be an original public voice that can surface from this mixed brew.This does not mean that Miliband is unsure what he wants to do with leadership, a different matter. He is a decent, modern social democrat who started out wanting to change this country as fundamentally as Thatcher did. An academic, he is influenced by his father, and has a good sense of humour without being exuberant. He combines these characteristics with a New Labour hunger to be praised by rightwing newspapers, and shares a fear with Gordon Brown that Britain can only be tilted leftwards by incremental stealth. There must be an original public voice that can surface from this mixed brew.
I suspect he became even more Blair-like when delivering his speech on party reform because the real Miliband used to oppose Blair's trick of attacking his party to gain media approval. Now there he was aching for such approval by seeking more sweeping internal change than Blair had.I suspect he became even more Blair-like when delivering his speech on party reform because the real Miliband used to oppose Blair's trick of attacking his party to gain media approval. Now there he was aching for such approval by seeking more sweeping internal change than Blair had.
There is a powerful case for what Miliband is doing, but in the public arena he must not succumb to Blair-like declarations of boldness, of "I'm doing this because I'm a strong leader who does the right thing whatever the opposition". It will appear inauthentic. Instead he must insist in a more Miliband-like way that – as he is demanding sweeping reforms of banks, the media, privatised monopolies and the rest – he cannot tolerate murky arrangements in his own party. In public he cannot impersonate his way to power.There is a powerful case for what Miliband is doing, but in the public arena he must not succumb to Blair-like declarations of boldness, of "I'm doing this because I'm a strong leader who does the right thing whatever the opposition". It will appear inauthentic. Instead he must insist in a more Miliband-like way that – as he is demanding sweeping reforms of banks, the media, privatised monopolies and the rest – he cannot tolerate murky arrangements in his own party. In public he cannot impersonate his way to power.
Soon after he became leader, Miliband received similar advice on the issue of authenticity. The advice came from Tony Blair: "Be yourself".Soon after he became leader, Miliband received similar advice on the issue of authenticity. The advice came from Tony Blair: "Be yourself".
Steve Richards is performing his one-man show Rock N Roll Politics at the Edinburgh festival from 1-26 AugustSteve Richards is performing his one-man show Rock N Roll Politics at the Edinburgh festival from 1-26 August
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