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David Cameron has failed to resist the lunchtime lobbyists' lure David Cameron has failed to resist the lunchtime lobbyists' lure
(2 months later)
I chat; you lobby; he is corrupt. It is all persuasion. When Lynton Crosby's clients in the tobacco industry saw him land a big job advising Downing Street, they must have whooped with joy. When Whitehall was about to apply tough curbs on tobacco labelling, Downing Street instantly objected. The clients must have cried, "Attaboy, Lynton!"I chat; you lobby; he is corrupt. It is all persuasion. When Lynton Crosby's clients in the tobacco industry saw him land a big job advising Downing Street, they must have whooped with joy. When Whitehall was about to apply tough curbs on tobacco labelling, Downing Street instantly objected. The clients must have cried, "Attaboy, Lynton!"
In the Commons on Wednesday, David Cameron denied that he had been "lobbied" by Crosby at all, though he could not deny that he had "conversed" on the subject. Lobbying apparently means not talking but being held face down under water until you give in. Conversing is just chatting. If the likes of Crosby could not swap pleasantries with a passing prime minister, the world would be a dull place indeed.In the Commons on Wednesday, David Cameron denied that he had been "lobbied" by Crosby at all, though he could not deny that he had "conversed" on the subject. Lobbying apparently means not talking but being held face down under water until you give in. Conversing is just chatting. If the likes of Crosby could not swap pleasantries with a passing prime minister, the world would be a dull place indeed.
Cameron these days is haunted by his surely most regretted (but most sagewisest) remark in opposition. He said that interest group lobbying was "the next great scandal" waiting to happen. "The far too cosy relationship between politics, government, business and money," he said, "has tainted our politics for too long." There was a need to "shine the light of transparency … on who is buying power and influence".Cameron these days is haunted by his surely most regretted (but most sagewisest) remark in opposition. He said that interest group lobbying was "the next great scandal" waiting to happen. "The far too cosy relationship between politics, government, business and money," he said, "has tainted our politics for too long." There was a need to "shine the light of transparency … on who is buying power and influence".
Under Cameron lobbying has become so outrageous and ubiquitous that it can hardly be distinguished from government. Last week's victories for the tobacco and alcohol lobbies over labelling and pricing join a lengthening queue: Heathrow over new runways; building contractors on HS2; education suppliers on "free schools"; lawyers on legal aid; property developers on planning; banks on self-regulation.Under Cameron lobbying has become so outrageous and ubiquitous that it can hardly be distinguished from government. Last week's victories for the tobacco and alcohol lobbies over labelling and pricing join a lengthening queue: Heathrow over new runways; building contractors on HS2; education suppliers on "free schools"; lawyers on legal aid; property developers on planning; banks on self-regulation.
Doing the right thing is hardly a consideration in Whitehall these days. It has been replaced by "consulting stakeholders".Doing the right thing is hardly a consideration in Whitehall these days. It has been replaced by "consulting stakeholders".
As Crosby's public relations consultancy, C|T Group, says, its expertise involves an ability "to decide on the right messages and deliver them to the right people in the right way". Labour can hardly complain: under Tony Blair it caved in to big tobacco over Formula One smoking sponsorship.As Crosby's public relations consultancy, C|T Group, says, its expertise involves an ability "to decide on the right messages and deliver them to the right people in the right way". Labour can hardly complain: under Tony Blair it caved in to big tobacco over Formula One smoking sponsorship.
To be fair to Cameron, he is the first leader both to articulate the danger and to do anything about it. On Wednesday he published his transparency of lobbying bill, a first attempt to regulate the burgeoning Westminster version of Washington's "Gucci Gulch", home to the world's most well-heeled lobbyists.In 1994 there were five firms known to be working in political public relations. According to the Association of Professional Political Consultants (APPC), there are now 70. We assume they deliver value for money.To be fair to Cameron, he is the first leader both to articulate the danger and to do anything about it. On Wednesday he published his transparency of lobbying bill, a first attempt to regulate the burgeoning Westminster version of Washington's "Gucci Gulch", home to the world's most well-heeled lobbyists.In 1994 there were five firms known to be working in political public relations. According to the Association of Professional Political Consultants (APPC), there are now 70. We assume they deliver value for money.
After a blitz of pressure (from lobbyists), Cameron's idea has been reduced to little more than a statutory list of consultancies, which exists informally already. The sceptical Tory MP for Totnes, Dr Sarah Wollaston, points out that it is not the names of lobbyists we need to know but whom they represent and when. They should perhaps wear funny caps, like the old City commodity traders. Even then, the APPC calculates that 99% of contacts between ministers and those seeking to influence them are not via political consultants but directly by representatives of corporations and special-interest groups. Are they all to be on the register?After a blitz of pressure (from lobbyists), Cameron's idea has been reduced to little more than a statutory list of consultancies, which exists informally already. The sceptical Tory MP for Totnes, Dr Sarah Wollaston, points out that it is not the names of lobbyists we need to know but whom they represent and when. They should perhaps wear funny caps, like the old City commodity traders. Even then, the APPC calculates that 99% of contacts between ministers and those seeking to influence them are not via political consultants but directly by representatives of corporations and special-interest groups. Are they all to be on the register?
Britain is not very evil in this respect. It clings to 17th place in Transparency International's list of the "least corrupt" nations – beaten by Germany, Scandinavia and five Commonwealth countries, including Barbados. The law is stern about cash backhanders and bribes, and enforces openness in procurement tendering and job applications. Even so, the NHS allows drug companies to spend £40m a year on gifts to doctors, blatantly, to use their products at the expense of the same NHS.Britain is not very evil in this respect. It clings to 17th place in Transparency International's list of the "least corrupt" nations – beaten by Germany, Scandinavia and five Commonwealth countries, including Barbados. The law is stern about cash backhanders and bribes, and enforces openness in procurement tendering and job applications. Even so, the NHS allows drug companies to spend £40m a year on gifts to doctors, blatantly, to use their products at the expense of the same NHS.
Where Britain is singularly lax is in the inner processes of its government. It must be the only nation in the world that allows individuals openly to buy seats in its legislature (in the Lords). No one sees anything wrong in half the passes for peers' assistants going to lobbyists pretending to be "researchers". MPs accepted that the chairman of their energy select committee, Tim Yeo, should receive large payments from private energy companies. Parliamentary groups on aviation, beer, the armed forces and even Georgia are funded by special interests, making their reports as valueless as PR handouts.Where Britain is singularly lax is in the inner processes of its government. It must be the only nation in the world that allows individuals openly to buy seats in its legislature (in the Lords). No one sees anything wrong in half the passes for peers' assistants going to lobbyists pretending to be "researchers". MPs accepted that the chairman of their energy select committee, Tim Yeo, should receive large payments from private energy companies. Parliamentary groups on aviation, beer, the armed forces and even Georgia are funded by special interests, making their reports as valueless as PR handouts.
No lobbyist worth their salt wastes much time in the corridors of Westminster. One mystery of the periodic cash-for-questions scandals is why anyone pays money for parliamentary questions or early day motions. They have little impact on policy.No lobbyist worth their salt wastes much time in the corridors of Westminster. One mystery of the periodic cash-for-questions scandals is why anyone pays money for parliamentary questions or early day motions. They have little impact on policy.
Real power lies in access to the ministers and officials who form policy. It lies in sidling up to power at lunch, over a drink or in a club. It lies in knowing whom to know, and how.Real power lies in access to the ministers and officials who form policy. It lies in sidling up to power at lunch, over a drink or in a club. It lies in knowing whom to know, and how.
That is why transparency groups have become alarmed at the coalition's new corporate "buddy" system. This gives privileged status to companies such as Shell, Unilever and Google, with a direct line to a minister's office. The Guardian has found 38 firms that have had 700 private meetings with ministers, including Nestlé with the agriculture department and AstraZeneca with David Willetts, the science minister. The Conservative Property Forum was reported in the Telegraph as presiding over some £3m going from developers to the Tory party before the controversial planning reforms of 2011.That is why transparency groups have become alarmed at the coalition's new corporate "buddy" system. This gives privileged status to companies such as Shell, Unilever and Google, with a direct line to a minister's office. The Guardian has found 38 firms that have had 700 private meetings with ministers, including Nestlé with the agriculture department and AstraZeneca with David Willetts, the science minister. The Conservative Property Forum was reported in the Telegraph as presiding over some £3m going from developers to the Tory party before the controversial planning reforms of 2011.
All politics comes with baggage. Few embark on a political career without care for personal gain or advancement.All politics comes with baggage. Few embark on a political career without care for personal gain or advancement.
A minister's speech is a mishmash of dogma, pressure, ambition and, if we are lucky, public interest. There is no guide to which is dominant, no register of the meetings and briefings that helped to form policy. I doubt if any nuclear weapons sceptics came near this week's review of Trident policy. I am sure no countryside campaigners were consulted on Eric Pickles's U-turn to allow building in the green belt.A minister's speech is a mishmash of dogma, pressure, ambition and, if we are lucky, public interest. There is no guide to which is dominant, no register of the meetings and briefings that helped to form policy. I doubt if any nuclear weapons sceptics came near this week's review of Trident policy. I am sure no countryside campaigners were consulted on Eric Pickles's U-turn to allow building in the green belt.
Last month the prime minister mysteriously appeared on a red carpet in Kazakhstan, to be greeted by one of the former Soviet bloc's more unpleasant dictators-for-life, Nursultan Nazarbayev, a man craving international recognition. The absurd excuse was that "£85m in trade deals" required Cameron's presence so the dictator could declare himself "honoured and privileged" by the accolade. Only two things seem certain about this odd escapade. One is that Cameron is known suddenly to have become friends with Tony Blair. The other is that Blair was hired by Nazarbayev to sanitise his international image.Last month the prime minister mysteriously appeared on a red carpet in Kazakhstan, to be greeted by one of the former Soviet bloc's more unpleasant dictators-for-life, Nursultan Nazarbayev, a man craving international recognition. The absurd excuse was that "£85m in trade deals" required Cameron's presence so the dictator could declare himself "honoured and privileged" by the accolade. Only two things seem certain about this odd escapade. One is that Cameron is known suddenly to have become friends with Tony Blair. The other is that Blair was hired by Nazarbayev to sanitise his international image.
The fashion these days is to regard such murky scuttling behind the curtains of power as "par for the course". We are told to take the world as we find it, bent pennies and all. I prefer to maintain: "The buying of power and influence has tainted politics for too long." But those were David Cameron's words, not mine.The fashion these days is to regard such murky scuttling behind the curtains of power as "par for the course". We are told to take the world as we find it, bent pennies and all. I prefer to maintain: "The buying of power and influence has tainted politics for too long." But those were David Cameron's words, not mine.
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