'Ed Miliband's plan to reform Labour's link with the unions – panel verdict' diff viewer (0/1)

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Ed Miliband's plan to reform Labour's link with the unions – panel verdict	Ed Miliband's plan to reform Labour's link with the unions – panel verdict
2013-07-09 13:50:37 UTC	2013-09-21 09:10:05 UTC (2 months later)
Robert Philpot: This is huge – and it's about empowering members	Robert Philpot: This is huge – and it's about empowering members
It is normally sensible to check the small print beneath politicians' rhetorical flourishes, but Ed Miliband's claim today to be introducing the most far-reaching changes to the way Labour selects its candidates in two decades is, if anything, an understatement.	It is normally sensible to check the small print beneath politicians' rhetorical flourishes, but Ed Miliband's claim today to be introducing the most far-reaching changes to the way Labour selects its candidates in two decades is, if anything, an understatement.
Let's dispense first with the myth that anyone in the Labour party wants to break the link with the trade unions. They don't. Miliband's proposals are instead about empowering their rank and file members. His call for them to choose to join the Labour party through the affiliation fee is an audacious gamble. There is a risk that many of those who have not chosen to opt out of the political levy do not now opt in. This could cost the party millions. But let's not forget that more than 200,000 trade unionists ticked the box to say they supported the Labour party and cast a vote in the 2010 leadership election.	Let's dispense first with the myth that anyone in the Labour party wants to break the link with the trade unions. They don't. Miliband's proposals are instead about empowering their rank and file members. His call for them to choose to join the Labour party through the affiliation fee is an audacious gamble. There is a risk that many of those who have not chosen to opt out of the political levy do not now opt in. This could cost the party millions. But let's not forget that more than 200,000 trade unionists ticked the box to say they supported the Labour party and cast a vote in the 2010 leadership election.
The implications of Miliband's changes are far-reaching. The electoral college by which Labour elects its leader will inevitably have to go. In its place, one member one vote. Votes at Labour party conference will also need to be reformed. Trade unionists who pay the political levy don't currently get a vote in parliamentary selections; now they must.	The implications of Miliband's changes are far-reaching. The electoral college by which Labour elects its leader will inevitably have to go. In its place, one member one vote. Votes at Labour party conference will also need to be reformed. Trade unionists who pay the political levy don't currently get a vote in parliamentary selections; now they must.
With strict caps on spending, members retaining the right to shortlist candidates (anyone who gets a union or party branch nomination should be allowed to stand), and the electorate composed of all those willing to register their support for Labour, Miliband's other big proposal of primaries could play a major role in "re-energising" the party.	With strict caps on spending, members retaining the right to shortlist candidates (anyone who gets a union or party branch nomination should be allowed to stand), and the electorate composed of all those willing to register their support for Labour, Miliband's other big proposal of primaries could play a major role in "re-energising" the party.
The big question is: can he deliver? As Tony Blair did over clause IV in 1995, Miliband could call a ballot of all party members to vote on his proposals. It is a vote he would win resoundingly – and one his opponents would be ill advised to risk.	The big question is: can he deliver? As Tony Blair did over clause IV in 1995, Miliband could call a ballot of all party members to vote on his proposals. It is a vote he would win resoundingly – and one his opponents would be ill advised to risk.
• Robert Philpot is director of the pressure group Progress	• Robert Philpot is director of the pressure group Progress
Frances O'Grady: Beware a politics funded by rich donors	Frances O'Grady: Beware a politics funded by rich donors
The Falkirk fallout has been damaging both for unions and Labour. The party's political opponents have dusted off their anti-union clichés with such elan that more thoughtful Conservatives warn that they will alienate the millions of ordinary union members in the electorate.	The Falkirk fallout has been damaging both for unions and Labour. The party's political opponents have dusted off their anti-union clichés with such elan that more thoughtful Conservatives warn that they will alienate the millions of ordinary union members in the electorate.
Any constitutional change is a matter for Labour and its affiliated unions, but there are wider issues about how to revive our flagging democracy.	Any constitutional change is a matter for Labour and its affiliated unions, but there are wider issues about how to revive our flagging democracy.
Mainstream political parties of every hue are struggling to attract members, with voters once loyal to a party now complaining their views go unheard at Westminster. The Ukip surge is as much a symptom of this disenchantment as arguments about Labour's rule book.	Mainstream political parties of every hue are struggling to attract members, with voters once loyal to a party now complaining their views go unheard at Westminster. The Ukip surge is as much a symptom of this disenchantment as arguments about Labour's rule book.
Unions are one of the few groups that can bring a grassroots perspective into the political debate. The financial crash came as a surprise to the Westminster bubble, but we knew that wages had been stagnating for years before 2008 and that credit was filling the gap. We were warning of the decline of good jobs as vulnerable minimum wage jobs on zero-hours contracts spread.	Unions are one of the few groups that can bring a grassroots perspective into the political debate. The financial crash came as a surprise to the Westminster bubble, but we knew that wages had been stagnating for years before 2008 and that credit was filling the gap. We were warning of the decline of good jobs as vulnerable minimum wage jobs on zero-hours contracts spread.
A politics funded by rich donors and carried out by lifelong professionals will not win democratic consent. Unions bring a vital connection to the lives of millions.	A politics funded by rich donors and carried out by lifelong professionals will not win democratic consent. Unions bring a vital connection to the lives of millions.
• Frances O'Grady is general secretary of the TUC	• Frances O'Grady is general secretary of the TUC
Neal Lawson: A crisis of capitalism is turning into a crisis for Labour	Neal Lawson: A crisis of capitalism is turning into a crisis for Labour
You can't say Ed Miliband isn't being bold – but is he right and will it work?	You can't say Ed Miliband isn't being bold – but is he right and will it work?
The shift to opting in as opposed to opting out has to be right. The presumption of support can no longer be based with the union but with each person instead.	The shift to opting in as opposed to opting out has to be right. The presumption of support can no longer be based with the union but with each person instead.
On primaries, Labour can't involve the wider public if that eradicates the only democratic power existing members have – to select their candidate. Primaries should only be examined in the context of new democratic rights for members at party conference or, for example, to directly elect the party chair – a position that would have protected Miliband from much of the Falkirk flak.	On primaries, Labour can't involve the wider public if that eradicates the only democratic power existing members have – to select their candidate. Primaries should only be examined in the context of new democratic rights for members at party conference or, for example, to directly elect the party chair – a position that would have protected Miliband from much of the Falkirk flak.
A crisis of capitalism is turning into a crisis for Labour. The irony is that one person is deciding the democratic structures of the party. It might be right but it is not democracy. Once Labour would have called a special conference; now everyone just waits for the leader's speech. The concern is that it is all being made up on the hoof and hasn't been thought through.	A crisis of capitalism is turning into a crisis for Labour. The irony is that one person is deciding the democratic structures of the party. It might be right but it is not democracy. Once Labour would have called a special conference; now everyone just waits for the leader's speech. The concern is that it is all being made up on the hoof and hasn't been thought through.
• Neal Lawson is chair of the pressure group Compass	• Neal Lawson is chair of the pressure group Compass
Melissa Kite: What's wrong with MPs having second jobs?	Melissa Kite: What's wrong with MPs having second jobs?
Labour leaders are never better than when tackling their party's links with the trade unions and Ed Miliband is no exception. There were echoes of Tony Blair's brave assault on clause IV in Miliband's speech banishing the automatic affiliation fee paid by 3 million union members to Labour. What matters less than the precise details is the message that this sends: Miliband is changing his party to make it less about factional interests – the politics of the machine, as he rightly called it – and more about seeking to represent the country as a whole. You can have no better praise for a reform than Blair – the original bearer of union "scars on my back" – saying that "I should have done it when I was leader." British people are, by and large, not ideological or tribal any more. It is obscene that in order to belong to a workplace union you have to sign up to a political party. The Labour leader is right to end that outdated practice.	Labour leaders are never better than when tackling their party's links with the trade unions and Ed Miliband is no exception. There were echoes of Tony Blair's brave assault on clause IV in Miliband's speech banishing the automatic affiliation fee paid by 3 million union members to Labour. What matters less than the precise details is the message that this sends: Miliband is changing his party to make it less about factional interests – the politics of the machine, as he rightly called it – and more about seeking to represent the country as a whole. You can have no better praise for a reform than Blair – the original bearer of union "scars on my back" – saying that "I should have done it when I was leader." British people are, by and large, not ideological or tribal any more. It is obscene that in order to belong to a workplace union you have to sign up to a political party. The Labour leader is right to end that outdated practice.
It was a shame, therefore, that he used an otherwise brave speech seeking to clean his own side of the street by calling for a crackdown on the lucrative second jobs held, most usually, by Tory MPs. That was, no doubt, designed to deflect a bit of heat from Labour. But the issue of second jobs is not as clear cut as he gives us to believe. While some of these jobs raise eyebrows on taste grounds – no one likes to see a rich Tory get richer, it seems – it is no more desirable for MPs to have no area of expertise aside from politics than it is for them to dabble too much in other business and professional affairs.	It was a shame, therefore, that he used an otherwise brave speech seeking to clean his own side of the street by calling for a crackdown on the lucrative second jobs held, most usually, by Tory MPs. That was, no doubt, designed to deflect a bit of heat from Labour. But the issue of second jobs is not as clear cut as he gives us to believe. While some of these jobs raise eyebrows on taste grounds – no one likes to see a rich Tory get richer, it seems – it is no more desirable for MPs to have no area of expertise aside from politics than it is for them to dabble too much in other business and professional affairs.
Miliband is a prime example of this himself, having come from the political professional class and having no experience of the world of business or commerce. This cannot be right. I, for one, prefer a House of Commons where there are doctors, business people and, yes, barristers and lawyers than one stuffed with professional politicians, whose journey from the cradle via public school to Whitehall affords them little understanding of how the rest of the country strives to earn a living.	Miliband is a prime example of this himself, having come from the political professional class and having no experience of the world of business or commerce. This cannot be right. I, for one, prefer a House of Commons where there are doctors, business people and, yes, barristers and lawyers than one stuffed with professional politicians, whose journey from the cradle via public school to Whitehall affords them little understanding of how the rest of the country strives to earn a living.
Clean up politics and end conflicts of interest, yes. But to make politics more exclusive until it is open only to those like Ed Miliband and David Cameron? With all due respect, I don't think it is in anyone's interest to have 650 MPs like them.	Clean up politics and end conflicts of interest, yes. But to make politics more exclusive until it is open only to those like Ed Miliband and David Cameron? With all due respect, I don't think it is in anyone's interest to have 650 MPs like them.
• Melissa Kite is contributing editor of the Spectator	• Melissa Kite is contributing editor of the Spectator
Richard Seymour: Repeating the Blairite formula will fail	Richard Seymour: Repeating the Blairite formula will fail
Ed Miliband increasingly resembles a composite character from The Thick of It: the politics of Dan Miller with the winning personality of Ben Swain. He is taking this shot at the union link ostensibly to "restore faith" in Labour politics. Yet he seemingly has none himself.	Ed Miliband increasingly resembles a composite character from The Thick of It: the politics of Dan Miller with the winning personality of Ben Swain. He is taking this shot at the union link ostensibly to "restore faith" in Labour politics. Yet he seemingly has none himself.
For example, want to involve more people in party decisions? Recruit more members. Then they are involved. Miliband has no faith in this, hence this weird "primary" model for the London mayoral selection – the thinnest, most casual form of 'involvement' of the public.	For example, want to involve more people in party decisions? Recruit more members. Then they are involved. Miliband has no faith in this, hence this weird "primary" model for the London mayoral selection – the thinnest, most casual form of 'involvement' of the public.
Or take the idea of making union Labour affiliation an "opt-in". "Brave", Miliband's backers enthuse. Costing the party millions of pounds, it would force them to actually win union members over rather than take them for granted.	Or take the idea of making union Labour affiliation an "opt-in". "Brave", Miliband's backers enthuse. Costing the party millions of pounds, it would force them to actually win union members over rather than take them for granted.
But Miliband has made it clear previously that this is not his intention. He wants to "diversify" the party's sources of funding – in practice, becoming more dependent on businesses and wealthy donors. This is exactly what New Labour set out to achieved with its multi-branded annual conferences beginning in the late 1990s. Fairwell Unite, hello BAE Systems.	But Miliband has made it clear previously that this is not his intention. He wants to "diversify" the party's sources of funding – in practice, becoming more dependent on businesses and wealthy donors. This is exactly what New Labour set out to achieved with its multi-branded annual conferences beginning in the late 1990s. Fairwell Unite, hello BAE Systems.
Tony Blair is egging Miliband on. But his leadership lost Labour 5 million working-class votes, 3 million of them in his first time. He eventually turned mountainous heartland majorities into Liberal or SNP gains. A large part of the reason is Labour's destruction of union jobs, and keeping anti-union laws in place.	Tony Blair is egging Miliband on. But his leadership lost Labour 5 million working-class votes, 3 million of them in his first time. He eventually turned mountainous heartland majorities into Liberal or SNP gains. A large part of the reason is Labour's destruction of union jobs, and keeping anti-union laws in place.
Miliband knows this, and was supposed to be addressing the problem. But his solution is to repeat the Blairite formula. He can't expect a different result.	Miliband knows this, and was supposed to be addressing the problem. But his solution is to repeat the Blairite formula. He can't expect a different result.
• Richard Seymour is a political activist who blogs at Lenin's Tomb	• Richard Seymour is a political activist who blogs at Lenin's Tomb
Emma Burnell: The right move, even if I worry about 2015 funding	Emma Burnell: The right move, even if I worry about 2015 funding
The philosopher in me welcomes Labour moving to being a mass membership party that has a genuine and equal relationship with all of its members. The point of Labour's link to the unions is the benefit it brings of a close relationship with workers up and down the country. If Labour and the unions can work together to further empower refuse workers, nurses, engineers and shop assistants that has to be a good thing.	The philosopher in me welcomes Labour moving to being a mass membership party that has a genuine and equal relationship with all of its members. The point of Labour's link to the unions is the benefit it brings of a close relationship with workers up and down the country. If Labour and the unions can work together to further empower refuse workers, nurses, engineers and shop assistants that has to be a good thing.
The pragmatist in me wonders how we'll fund the next general election campaign if it goes wrong. The practicalities of moving all payers of the union political levy into full membership of the Labour party are not inconsiderable and administration issues alone – never mind any drop-off – could reduce this income stream considerably at least in the short term.	The pragmatist in me wonders how we'll fund the next general election campaign if it goes wrong. The practicalities of moving all payers of the union political levy into full membership of the Labour party are not inconsiderable and administration issues alone – never mind any drop-off – could reduce this income stream considerably at least in the short term.
Party democracy is important – but unless we can shame the Tories into capping their own donations, our democracy could suffer from the imbalance in funding of the parties. But if it comes off, this will revolutionise the relationship between Labour and millions of workers in the UK. This will be hard, but doing the right thing often is. And this is the right thing to do.	Party democracy is important – but unless we can shame the Tories into capping their own donations, our democracy could suffer from the imbalance in funding of the parties. But if it comes off, this will revolutionise the relationship between Labour and millions of workers in the UK. This will be hard, but doing the right thing often is. And this is the right thing to do.