This article is from the source 'guardian' and was first published or seen on . It last changed over 40 days ago and won't be checked again for changes.

You can find the current article at its original source at http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2013/jul/09/japan-rural-voters-tokyo-abe

The article has changed 2 times. There is an RSS feed of changes available.

Version 0 Version 1
Japan's rural voters cling to the principle of power to the countryside Japan's rural voters cling to the principle of power to the countryside
(2 months later)
This isolated southern prefecture has no bullet trains or teams in the top professional baseball leagues. Its highways stop well short of the coasts. Only one company here is listed among the 1,700 blue chips on the Tokyo stock exchange. But Kochi prefecture, a mountainous outpost for ageing fruit and vegetable farmers, ranks among the most politically powerful places in Japan.This isolated southern prefecture has no bullet trains or teams in the top professional baseball leagues. Its highways stop well short of the coasts. Only one company here is listed among the 1,700 blue chips on the Tokyo stock exchange. But Kochi prefecture, a mountainous outpost for ageing fruit and vegetable farmers, ranks among the most politically powerful places in Japan.
Kochi and other rural regions are granted disproportionate power under an electoral system that analysts call antiquated and that Japan's Supreme Court says is "in a state of unconstitutionality." Rural areas are allotted more representatives in parliament – known as the Diet – than they ought to have based on their share of national population. As a result, voters in rural areas such as Kochi carry more than twice the weight of those in Tokyo or Sapporo.Kochi and other rural regions are granted disproportionate power under an electoral system that analysts call antiquated and that Japan's Supreme Court says is "in a state of unconstitutionality." Rural areas are allotted more representatives in parliament – known as the Diet – than they ought to have based on their share of national population. As a result, voters in rural areas such as Kochi carry more than twice the weight of those in Tokyo or Sapporo.
The imbalance is decades old, but it is intensifying as ever more people drain from the countryside into cities. It also leaves Japan with an increasingly problematic mismatch – a rigid and conservative political system for a country seeking ways to reform. The power of older, largely change-resistant rural voters acts as a head wind as prime minister Shinzo Abe ponders ways to revive Japan's economy and clear its enormous government debt.The imbalance is decades old, but it is intensifying as ever more people drain from the countryside into cities. It also leaves Japan with an increasingly problematic mismatch – a rigid and conservative political system for a country seeking ways to reform. The power of older, largely change-resistant rural voters acts as a head wind as prime minister Shinzo Abe ponders ways to revive Japan's economy and clear its enormous government debt.
Rural and urban areas have little agreement on what's best for the country, a key fissure in a country that overwhelmingly supports a single party, the Liberal Democrats (LDP). Its grip on power is only likely to strengthen after upper house parliamentary elections on 21 July, but within the LDP, Diet members from rural and urban areas often fight for conflicting issues.Rural and urban areas have little agreement on what's best for the country, a key fissure in a country that overwhelmingly supports a single party, the Liberal Democrats (LDP). Its grip on power is only likely to strengthen after upper house parliamentary elections on 21 July, but within the LDP, Diet members from rural and urban areas often fight for conflicting issues.
The priorities of those in Kochi are "completely different" from those in urban areas, said Yuji Yamamoto, an eight-term parliament member who represents a district of Kochi in the lower house. Those in rural areas say the government should protect the agriculture industry and social security spending, two key sources of their livelihood. But some economists argue that Japan's agriculture industry – a patchwork of small plots that produce high-quality but pricey goods – should be overhauled as part of a free trade agreement that knocks down astronomical tariffs. Those economists also say Japan – its population aging more rapidly than any in the world – must eventually slash pensions in order to keep pace.The priorities of those in Kochi are "completely different" from those in urban areas, said Yuji Yamamoto, an eight-term parliament member who represents a district of Kochi in the lower house. Those in rural areas say the government should protect the agriculture industry and social security spending, two key sources of their livelihood. But some economists argue that Japan's agriculture industry – a patchwork of small plots that produce high-quality but pricey goods – should be overhauled as part of a free trade agreement that knocks down astronomical tariffs. Those economists also say Japan – its population aging more rapidly than any in the world – must eventually slash pensions in order to keep pace.
"This over-representation of the elderly makes returning to a sustainable fiscal path very difficult," Robert Feldman, Morgan Stanley's chief economist for Japan, wrote in an April research report."This over-representation of the elderly makes returning to a sustainable fiscal path very difficult," Robert Feldman, Morgan Stanley's chief economist for Japan, wrote in an April research report.
The disparity between rural and urban voters stems from mass migration beginning nearly seven decades ago. After the second world war, nearly two-thirds of Japanese people lived in the countryside. Today, by some measures, it's less than a fifth. Japan's voting system has gone through reforms, but the outlay of parliament seats hasn't kept up with the population shift.The disparity between rural and urban voters stems from mass migration beginning nearly seven decades ago. After the second world war, nearly two-thirds of Japanese people lived in the countryside. Today, by some measures, it's less than a fifth. Japan's voting system has gone through reforms, but the outlay of parliament seats hasn't kept up with the population shift.
The current system is complicated, and in both the upper and lower houses of parliament, a minority of seats are filled proportionally, based on each party's share of the vote. But the other members are voted in by winning contests in their back yards.The current system is complicated, and in both the upper and lower houses of parliament, a minority of seats are filled proportionally, based on each party's share of the vote. But the other members are voted in by winning contests in their back yards.
In the upper house, candidates represent their prefecture, equivalent to a state. Every prefecture sends at least two members to the Diet. None sends more than 10. The number of representatives differs from prefecture to prefecture by population — but it doesn't differ quite drastically enough. Rural Tottori has roughly 240,000 voters per representative. Tokyo has more than a million per representative.In the upper house, candidates represent their prefecture, equivalent to a state. Every prefecture sends at least two members to the Diet. None sends more than 10. The number of representatives differs from prefecture to prefecture by population — but it doesn't differ quite drastically enough. Rural Tottori has roughly 240,000 voters per representative. Tokyo has more than a million per representative.
The imbalance in the more powerful lower house isn't nearly as drastic, but lately it has been the subject of more courtroom wrangling. In the lower house, the nation is carved up into 300 districts — each of which sends one member to the capital. The rural districts are geographically larger but not large enough: A vote in Yamamoto's district of Kochi counts for roughly 2.4 times that of a vote cast in Chiba, on the outskirts of Tokyo.The imbalance in the more powerful lower house isn't nearly as drastic, but lately it has been the subject of more courtroom wrangling. In the lower house, the nation is carved up into 300 districts — each of which sends one member to the capital. The rural districts are geographically larger but not large enough: A vote in Yamamoto's district of Kochi counts for roughly 2.4 times that of a vote cast in Chiba, on the outskirts of Tokyo.
In 2011, the supreme court ruled the results of a 2009 election – and thus, the electoral system itself – to be in a "state of unconstitutionality" and recommended that districts be redrawn. It also threatened that any subsequent election could be ruled invalid. A parliament advisory panel said the disparity should fall below 2.0.In 2011, the supreme court ruled the results of a 2009 election – and thus, the electoral system itself – to be in a "state of unconstitutionality" and recommended that districts be redrawn. It also threatened that any subsequent election could be ruled invalid. A parliament advisory panel said the disparity should fall below 2.0.
A December election was held without any reforms, spurring more than a dozen suits filed in local courts by activists and civic groups. Two of those local courts ruled election results invalid, decisions that will play out in higher courts later this year.A December election was held without any reforms, spurring more than a dozen suits filed in local courts by activists and civic groups. Two of those local courts ruled election results invalid, decisions that will play out in higher courts later this year.
But lawmakers have barely budged, and analysts say they are loath to upend a system that would cost some of them jobs. One bill, passed into law in June with the support of the LDP and a smaller coalition party, calls for cutting lower house seats from five districts that include Kochi. Such tweaks are designed to lower the vote disparity to 1.998, but given the latest urban drift, the legislation could be outdated by the time it takes effect. "Already the latest census shows the voting disparity will be above 2.0," said Koichi Nakano, a political science professor at Sophia University. "They're doing the bare minimum, not even the bare minimum."But lawmakers have barely budged, and analysts say they are loath to upend a system that would cost some of them jobs. One bill, passed into law in June with the support of the LDP and a smaller coalition party, calls for cutting lower house seats from five districts that include Kochi. Such tweaks are designed to lower the vote disparity to 1.998, but given the latest urban drift, the legislation could be outdated by the time it takes effect. "Already the latest census shows the voting disparity will be above 2.0," said Koichi Nakano, a political science professor at Sophia University. "They're doing the bare minimum, not even the bare minimum."
The power of rural Japan feels egregious only when viewed from outside of rural Japan. In Kochi, voters scoff at the idea they have power, having watched, powerless, as their population drops by 5,000 every year and as mountainous towns empty out with no realistic plans for revival.The power of rural Japan feels egregious only when viewed from outside of rural Japan. In Kochi, voters scoff at the idea they have power, having watched, powerless, as their population drops by 5,000 every year and as mountainous towns empty out with no realistic plans for revival.
They say they feel far removed from decisions made in Tokyo, particularly Abe's commitment to join the Trans-Pacific Partnership, a massive free trade agreement that includes Australia and the United States. Japan is likely to push in negotiations for protection of certain agriculture products — notably rice, wheat, beef and pork — but many other goods made in Kochi will be open to foreign competition.They say they feel far removed from decisions made in Tokyo, particularly Abe's commitment to join the Trans-Pacific Partnership, a massive free trade agreement that includes Australia and the United States. Japan is likely to push in negotiations for protection of certain agriculture products — notably rice, wheat, beef and pork — but many other goods made in Kochi will be open to foreign competition.
"If we proceed with this kind of reform, there will not be people in rural areas anymore," said Shigeyuki Tanouchi, the Kochi regional manager of JA-Zenchu, Japan's massive agriculture co-op."If we proceed with this kind of reform, there will not be people in rural areas anymore," said Shigeyuki Tanouchi, the Kochi regional manager of JA-Zenchu, Japan's massive agriculture co-op.
Some in Kochi fear a cycle in which Tokyo cuts down on rural political representatives and those areas decline all the faster. Analysts say that, in theory, there is an alternative solution to Japan's electoral disparities: rural areas could gain back population.Some in Kochi fear a cycle in which Tokyo cuts down on rural political representatives and those areas decline all the faster. Analysts say that, in theory, there is an alternative solution to Japan's electoral disparities: rural areas could gain back population.
Hidehisa Takemura, 44, moved back to Kochi 14 years ago, leaving his sales job at a metal manufacturer in Tokyo. He settled back into his family's dairy farm, tending to a barn of Holsteins. He also started voting more, compelled by the issues facing his region.Hidehisa Takemura, 44, moved back to Kochi 14 years ago, leaving his sales job at a metal manufacturer in Tokyo. He settled back into his family's dairy farm, tending to a barn of Holsteins. He also started voting more, compelled by the issues facing his region.
"In Tokyo, you can live comfortably and the problems feel distant," he said. "Whereas here, it's a different situation.""In Tokyo, you can live comfortably and the problems feel distant," he said. "Whereas here, it's a different situation."
This article appeared in Guardian Weekly, which incorporates material from the Washington Post.This article appeared in Guardian Weekly, which incorporates material from the Washington Post.
Our editors' picks for the day's top news and commentary delivered to your inbox each morning.Our editors' picks for the day's top news and commentary delivered to your inbox each morning.
Our editors' picks for the day's top news and commentary delivered to your inbox each morning. Enter your email address to subscribe.
Our editors' picks for the day's top news and commentary delivered to your inbox every weekday.