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Cameron had the chance to defy the 'swivel-eyed loons' and remake his party. He failed Cameron had the chance to defy the 'swivel-eyed loons' and remake his party. He failed
(4 months later)
Crises erupt when a party is ill at ease with itself. A tiny tremor can lead to an almighty eruption. Currently, the Conservative party has a leader wary of its activists, and is supported by members suspicious of the leadership. We have known this for some time. Step back from the latest frenzy surrounding the Conservative party and it is no great surprise to hear that a senior figure in David Cameron's entourage regards parts of its membership as "swivel-eyed loons". Equally, it is not exactly sensational news that party members are far from thrilled to be viewed in such terms.Crises erupt when a party is ill at ease with itself. A tiny tremor can lead to an almighty eruption. Currently, the Conservative party has a leader wary of its activists, and is supported by members suspicious of the leadership. We have known this for some time. Step back from the latest frenzy surrounding the Conservative party and it is no great surprise to hear that a senior figure in David Cameron's entourage regards parts of its membership as "swivel-eyed loons". Equally, it is not exactly sensational news that party members are far from thrilled to be viewed in such terms.
Relations between the leadership of the party and its activists are more strained and complex than at any point since the removal of Margaret Thatcher in 1990. Focus on the policy trail rather than the Harold Macmillan-like emollient character of the prime minister and Cameron is implementing a radical agenda that should largely delight his activists. He has delivered an economic policy to the right of the Republicans in the US, overhauled the NHS and welfare in a way that Thatcher would not have dared, and offered an in-out referendum on Europe. Yet the so-called loons are not content and want much more.Relations between the leadership of the party and its activists are more strained and complex than at any point since the removal of Margaret Thatcher in 1990. Focus on the policy trail rather than the Harold Macmillan-like emollient character of the prime minister and Cameron is implementing a radical agenda that should largely delight his activists. He has delivered an economic policy to the right of the Republicans in the US, overhauled the NHS and welfare in a way that Thatcher would not have dared, and offered an in-out referendum on Europe. Yet the so-called loons are not content and want much more.
This, though, is not a wholly one-sided affair with the "loons" as the even more rightwing villains. The Tory activists have a case too. They have been subjected to a clunky, unsubtle "modernisation" project in which social liberalism, while sincerely espoused, has been added on to the rightwing programme partly in an attempt to secure broader appeal. There has been little deep thinking from Cameron about what a modern Conservative party might be like, but rather a shallow effort to retain most of the thinking on Europe and the state that lost the Conservatives three successive elections, with the addition of support for gay marriage.This, though, is not a wholly one-sided affair with the "loons" as the even more rightwing villains. The Tory activists have a case too. They have been subjected to a clunky, unsubtle "modernisation" project in which social liberalism, while sincerely espoused, has been added on to the rightwing programme partly in an attempt to secure broader appeal. There has been little deep thinking from Cameron about what a modern Conservative party might be like, but rather a shallow effort to retain most of the thinking on Europe and the state that lost the Conservatives three successive elections, with the addition of support for gay marriage.
The result is an unsatisfying, insubstantial clash between unreformed dwindling local parties and a leadership that acquired the top positions far too early in their careers with only half-formed ideas about what they wanted to change in relation to their party and the country.The result is an unsatisfying, insubstantial clash between unreformed dwindling local parties and a leadership that acquired the top positions far too early in their careers with only half-formed ideas about what they wanted to change in relation to their party and the country.
The likes of Cameron and his senior advisers make their tentative moves at the top of a Conservative party that has changed fundamentally. None of Thatcher's successors has addressed the nature of the change. Famously, she transformed the party from the top, making it much more ideological. Much less reflected on is when it became far more rebellious in spirit. The change from below can be precisely identified, taking place at two key moments in its recent history.The likes of Cameron and his senior advisers make their tentative moves at the top of a Conservative party that has changed fundamentally. None of Thatcher's successors has addressed the nature of the change. Famously, she transformed the party from the top, making it much more ideological. Much less reflected on is when it became far more rebellious in spirit. The change from below can be precisely identified, taking place at two key moments in its recent history.
The first was the activists' response to the introduction of the poll tax in the late 1980s. Previously ultra-loyal Conservative councillors, the rock on which the party was based, were passionately opposed – and for the first time in their lives vented their anger in public. I recall as a BBC correspondent travelling to a conference of Tory councillors with the then local government minister, David Hunt. He joked to me as he walked into the gathering that he was entering the lion's den. Such was the intensity of his mauling he was not making any jokes when he emerged later. He had aged 10 years in an hour. The battle over the poll tax lost the Conservatives its loyal base in England and also wiped it out as a force in Scotland.The first was the activists' response to the introduction of the poll tax in the late 1980s. Previously ultra-loyal Conservative councillors, the rock on which the party was based, were passionately opposed – and for the first time in their lives vented their anger in public. I recall as a BBC correspondent travelling to a conference of Tory councillors with the then local government minister, David Hunt. He joked to me as he walked into the gathering that he was entering the lion's den. Such was the intensity of his mauling he was not making any jokes when he emerged later. He had aged 10 years in an hour. The battle over the poll tax lost the Conservatives its loyal base in England and also wiped it out as a force in Scotland.
The next key event was the Conservative conference in the autumn of 1992, held after the government had been forced to leave the European exchange rate mechanism. The anger aimed at the then prime minister, John Major, in speeches from the platform was unyielding and, crucially, the insurrectionists were starting to enjoy themselves. They have been enjoying themselves ever since while Labour, though with its own deep structural problems, has acquired an iron discipline in public.The next key event was the Conservative conference in the autumn of 1992, held after the government had been forced to leave the European exchange rate mechanism. The anger aimed at the then prime minister, John Major, in speeches from the platform was unyielding and, crucially, the insurrectionists were starting to enjoy themselves. They have been enjoying themselves ever since while Labour, though with its own deep structural problems, has acquired an iron discipline in public.
Cameron had an opportunity to remake his restive party and perhaps widen the membership when he won the leadership in 2005, although it would have been a titanic struggle. In terms of daunting context he was much closer at that point to Neil Kinnock, who acquired the Labour leadership 1983 and began a long, painful, arduous journey. Cameron opted for the primrose path instead, declaring that his party must be nice to the poor in Darfur and being photographed on a council estate or with huskies. This did not amount to a significant challenge to activists in the way Kinnock and then Tony Blair updated Labour, partly because on many issues Cameron was at one with his grassroots.Cameron had an opportunity to remake his restive party and perhaps widen the membership when he won the leadership in 2005, although it would have been a titanic struggle. In terms of daunting context he was much closer at that point to Neil Kinnock, who acquired the Labour leadership 1983 and began a long, painful, arduous journey. Cameron opted for the primrose path instead, declaring that his party must be nice to the poor in Darfur and being photographed on a council estate or with huskies. This did not amount to a significant challenge to activists in the way Kinnock and then Tony Blair updated Labour, partly because on many issues Cameron was at one with his grassroots.
The relationship between leader and party is pivotal in our non-presidential system. Sometimes a leader moves too far away from a party, as Blair did towards the end of his regime. At other times a party can exert too much control over a leader, as is happening now with Cameron and used to happen with Labour's leaders in the 1970s and 1980s.The relationship between leader and party is pivotal in our non-presidential system. Sometimes a leader moves too far away from a party, as Blair did towards the end of his regime. At other times a party can exert too much control over a leader, as is happening now with Cameron and used to happen with Labour's leaders in the 1970s and 1980s.
It is too late for Cameron to change tack. He can only busk it and hope for the best. The next leader of the Conservative party must decide, without ambiguity or qualification, whether he or she wants to update their party substantially or give reheated Thatcherism one more throw of the dice. We know what happens when a young, untested leader tries to do both.It is too late for Cameron to change tack. He can only busk it and hope for the best. The next leader of the Conservative party must decide, without ambiguity or qualification, whether he or she wants to update their party substantially or give reheated Thatcherism one more throw of the dice. We know what happens when a young, untested leader tries to do both.
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