'Out, out, out! Can anybody stem the Eurosceptic tide?' diff viewer (0/1)

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Out, out, out! Can anybody stem the Eurosceptic tide?	Out, out, out! Can anybody stem the Eurosceptic tide?
2013-05-18 20:40:37 UTC	2013-09-23 10:37:08 UTC (4 months later)
During one of the rare moments when Richard Ottaway MP has attracted any attention at all, he was described as a "blameless and inconspicuous" Tory by a sketchwriter. The MP for Croydon South, who is due to stand down at the next election after more than 20 years' service, is not a stirrer or controversy seeker. He chairs the foreign affairs select committee and has a mild attachment to the EU because of the economic benefits he believes it brings, but his views seldom make news.	During one of the rare moments when Richard Ottaway MP has attracted any attention at all, he was described as a "blameless and inconspicuous" Tory by a sketchwriter. The MP for Croydon South, who is due to stand down at the next election after more than 20 years' service, is not a stirrer or controversy seeker. He chairs the foreign affairs select committee and has a mild attachment to the EU because of the economic benefits he believes it brings, but his views seldom make news.
So it was a startling moment when, as Ottaway ended a short address during the Queen's speech debate last week, he was laughed at and almost jeered by his colleagues. He had made the mistake of suggesting that since he too wanted reform of the EU, he could hardly be described as a Europhile. After the kangaroo court of Eurosceptics on the Tory benches gave their mocking verdict, Ottaway told the Commons, flushed and embarrassed: "That sort of contemptuous laugh does no good to the debate whatever."	So it was a startling moment when, as Ottaway ended a short address during the Queen's speech debate last week, he was laughed at and almost jeered by his colleagues. He had made the mistake of suggesting that since he too wanted reform of the EU, he could hardly be described as a Europhile. After the kangaroo court of Eurosceptics on the Tory benches gave their mocking verdict, Ottaway told the Commons, flushed and embarrassed: "That sort of contemptuous laugh does no good to the debate whatever."
Ottaway was suffering the kind of trashing that many minorities have experienced. And Tories even mildly sympathetic to the case for Britain's membership of the EU are in danger of becoming just that: a minority. One Tory MP has suggested that Europhilia on his party's backbenches was now "the love that dare not speak its name".	Ottaway was suffering the kind of trashing that many minorities have experienced. And Tories even mildly sympathetic to the case for Britain's membership of the EU are in danger of becoming just that: a minority. One Tory MP has suggested that Europhilia on his party's backbenches was now "the love that dare not speak its name".
The parliamentary party's Europhile group, European Mainstream, has just 50 members, dwarfed by the number of antis. In less than two years, their influence within the party has been utterly undermined.	The parliamentary party's Europhile group, European Mainstream, has just 50 members, dwarfed by the number of antis. In less than two years, their influence within the party has been utterly undermined.
In September 2011 David Cameron told the Commons at prime minister's questions that he could not see the case for an in-out referendum. It was ruled out: Britain had had its say in 1975. Nothing doing.	In September 2011 David Cameron told the Commons at prime minister's questions that he could not see the case for an in-out referendum. It was ruled out: Britain had had its say in 1975. Nothing doing.
But in the same month George Eustice MP, a one-time Ukip member who also stood in as Cameron's press spokesman during his leadership campaign, established a new Eurosceptic group of Tory MPs demanding a "new relationship" with the EU.	But in the same month George Eustice MP, a one-time Ukip member who also stood in as Cameron's press spokesman during his leadership campaign, established a new Eurosceptic group of Tory MPs demanding a "new relationship" with the EU.
By May last year the editor of the activist website ConservativeHome, Tim Montgomerie, who is now comment editor at Rupert Murdoch's Times newspaper, predicted a Eurosceptic takeover was under way. Its time would come.	By May last year the editor of the activist website ConservativeHome, Tim Montgomerie, who is now comment editor at Rupert Murdoch's Times newspaper, predicted a Eurosceptic takeover was under way. Its time would come.
Then in June, John Baron, the MP for Basildon and Billericay, delivered a letter to the prime minister signed by 100 MPs, calling on him to place on the statute book "by the next general election a commitment to hold a referendum on the nature of our relationship with the EU within the next parliament".	Then in June, John Baron, the MP for Basildon and Billericay, delivered a letter to the prime minister signed by 100 MPs, calling on him to place on the statute book "by the next general election a commitment to hold a referendum on the nature of our relationship with the EU within the next parliament".
By January this year Cameron was announcing that he would offer such an in-out referendum should he win the next general election because the people should have their say – but only after he had secured some changes and could offer them a reformed European Union as an alternative to withdrawal. He refused to countenance legislation in the current parliament to guarantee that such a referendum would take place. Why would he, when his Lib Dem coalition partners would never sign up to it?	By January this year Cameron was announcing that he would offer such an in-out referendum should he win the next general election because the people should have their say – but only after he had secured some changes and could offer them a reformed European Union as an alternative to withdrawal. He refused to countenance legislation in the current parliament to guarantee that such a referendum would take place. Why would he, when his Lib Dem coalition partners would never sign up to it?
Geoffrey Howe, the former chancellor, writing today in the Observer, puts it well: "Having previously opposed the introduction of legislation in this parliament to hold a referendum in the next one, the prime minister suddenly allowed a free vote among backbenchers, with the government abstaining, on the extraordinary basis that the party had no policy on the issue.	Geoffrey Howe, the former chancellor, writing today in the Observer, puts it well: "Having previously opposed the introduction of legislation in this parliament to hold a referendum in the next one, the prime minister suddenly allowed a free vote among backbenchers, with the government abstaining, on the extraordinary basis that the party had no policy on the issue.
"Then, once more than 100 backbenchers had voted for such a referendum, he immediately insisted that all Conservative MPs, whatever their view, should from now on support the proposal, on a three-line whip, whereas only the day before they could take any position they chose.	"Then, once more than 100 backbenchers had voted for such a referendum, he immediately insisted that all Conservative MPs, whatever their view, should from now on support the proposal, on a three-line whip, whereas only the day before they could take any position they chose.
"This saga looks more like the politics of the French Fourth Republic than the serious practice of government."	"This saga looks more like the politics of the French Fourth Republic than the serious practice of government."
The Benny Hill-style parliamentary runaround has been given added drama by the interventions of education secretary Michael Gove and defence secretary Philip Hammond, leadership hopefuls both, who have suggested that if there were a referendum tomorrow, they would vote to leave the EU.	The Benny Hill-style parliamentary runaround has been given added drama by the interventions of education secretary Michael Gove and defence secretary Philip Hammond, leadership hopefuls both, who have suggested that if there were a referendum tomorrow, they would vote to leave the EU.
Nigel Lawson, in Montgomerie's comment pages in the Times, said no matter what happened he believed we were better off out.	Nigel Lawson, in Montgomerie's comment pages in the Times, said no matter what happened he believed we were better off out.
The extraordinary upping of the ante on the Europe question can only be understood in the context of a 2010 intake of MPS who were schooled in Eurosceptic politics under the leadership of Michael Howard and the save the pound campaigns of William Hague. Those MPs have been further radicalised by the euro crisis and the rise of the Ukip threat. So what now?	The extraordinary upping of the ante on the Europe question can only be understood in the context of a 2010 intake of MPS who were schooled in Eurosceptic politics under the leadership of Michael Howard and the save the pound campaigns of William Hague. Those MPs have been further radicalised by the euro crisis and the rise of the Ukip threat. So what now?
Sitting in his Commons office in Portcullis House, Baron, the man behind the pivotal letter of the summer of 2012, was in good spirits on Thursday. He had endured some rough and tumble with the BBC's Andrew Neil earlier in the day, but he says he quite enjoyed it. His wife maybe not so much: "She can't see the back of me. I get out of bed in the morning, she rolls over, turns on the radio and I'm on the radio," he chortles.	Sitting in his Commons office in Portcullis House, Baron, the man behind the pivotal letter of the summer of 2012, was in good spirits on Thursday. He had endured some rough and tumble with the BBC's Andrew Neil earlier in the day, but he says he quite enjoyed it. His wife maybe not so much: "She can't see the back of me. I get out of bed in the morning, she rolls over, turns on the radio and I'm on the radio," he chortles.
The prime minister may be feeling the same way. Not content with filing his letter last year, it was Baron who was behind the move to force a vote condemning the Queen's speech for the lack of referendum legislation.	The prime minister may be feeling the same way. Not content with filing his letter last year, it was Baron who was behind the move to force a vote condemning the Queen's speech for the lack of referendum legislation.
The prime minister's aides insist Cameron was "very relaxed" about that vote. Maybe. Senior backbenchers have said that at the last meeting of the 1922 Committee of backbenchers a series of members appeared to have been encouraged by the leadership to stand up and call for unity.	The prime minister's aides insist Cameron was "very relaxed" about that vote. Maybe. Senior backbenchers have said that at the last meeting of the 1922 Committee of backbenchers a series of members appeared to have been encouraged by the leadership to stand up and call for unity.
Baron won't comment on all that. A former captain of the Royal Regiment of Fusiliers, he regards himself, still, as a loyalist. "We are reinforcing the prime minister's direction of travel," he says, with no little mischief. "It's his direction of travel, as I understand it." He chuckles.	Baron won't comment on all that. A former captain of the Royal Regiment of Fusiliers, he regards himself, still, as a loyalist. "We are reinforcing the prime minister's direction of travel," he says, with no little mischief. "It's his direction of travel, as I understand it." He chuckles.
Baron, 53, who says he has been "a Eurosceptic all my thinking life", would not have joined the European Community if he had been old enough to vote on it and dislikes the idea of ever closer political union.	Baron, 53, who says he has been "a Eurosceptic all my thinking life", would not have joined the European Community if he had been old enough to vote on it and dislikes the idea of ever closer political union.
"The British people are not into this vision thing," he says. "We have a proud history. For reasons different to those on the continent, we perhaps have a bit more confidence in ourselves, I don't know. But we didn't join for ever closer political union.	"The British people are not into this vision thing," he says. "We have a proud history. For reasons different to those on the continent, we perhaps have a bit more confidence in ourselves, I don't know. But we didn't join for ever closer political union.
"We want friendly terms, we want to co-operate on what is important. We want good trade relationships, and wish the EU all the best, but we are going to balk at ever closer political union."	"We want friendly terms, we want to co-operate on what is important. We want good trade relationships, and wish the EU all the best, but we are going to balk at ever closer political union."
Does he, as a loyalist, have qualms about upsetting the prime minister? "None whatsoever," he shoots back. "What I am trying to do is nudge the party closer to the electorate. That's what we have done, actually. A week is a long time in politics. A week ago we didn't have party support for any legislation, and a week ago we had no sight of a bill. Now we have got both.	Does he, as a loyalist, have qualms about upsetting the prime minister? "None whatsoever," he shoots back. "What I am trying to do is nudge the party closer to the electorate. That's what we have done, actually. A week is a long time in politics. A week ago we didn't have party support for any legislation, and a week ago we had no sight of a bill. Now we have got both.
"And that is progress, in my view because it more closely follows what the electorate wants."	"And that is progress, in my view because it more closely follows what the electorate wants."
Recent polls show that those who want the UK to leave the EU and those who want the country to stay in are evenly matched. An Opinium/Observer poll published today suggests that more than two-thirds of voters (67%) want Cameron to "listen and pay more attention" to the views of his backbenchers.	Recent polls show that those who want the UK to leave the EU and those who want the country to stay in are evenly matched. An Opinium/Observer poll published today suggests that more than two-thirds of voters (67%) want Cameron to "listen and pay more attention" to the views of his backbenchers.
But, for all that, the history books show that the electorate, when it comes to the crunch, dislikes disunity in a party. Baron received a voicemail message on his office phone on Thursday morning from a party member saying he respected the MP's position but adding: "This has got to stop."	But, for all that, the history books show that the electorate, when it comes to the crunch, dislikes disunity in a party. Baron received a voicemail message on his office phone on Thursday morning from a party member saying he respected the MP's position but adding: "This has got to stop."
And the party isn't just split between those who want the country to stay in and those who want to get out. They are split about the number of referendums needed, the substance of reforms the prime minister should seek before a referendum, the desirability or otherwise of legislation ensuring that there will be a referendum, and over many other arcane points that only a Conservative party which was fixated on Europe could even consider as politically significant.	And the party isn't just split between those who want the country to stay in and those who want to get out. They are split about the number of referendums needed, the substance of reforms the prime minister should seek before a referendum, the desirability or otherwise of legislation ensuring that there will be a referendum, and over many other arcane points that only a Conservative party which was fixated on Europe could even consider as politically significant.
So what would convince Baron to vote for the UK to stay in the EU? "Instead of getting bogged down in detail, I say: let's see what he comes back with," he says. "But, you know, he is going to be up against it. Having said that, I wish him well."	So what would convince Baron to vote for the UK to stay in the EU? "Instead of getting bogged down in detail, I say: let's see what he comes back with," he says. "But, you know, he is going to be up against it. Having said that, I wish him well."
Meanwhile, party grandees such as Lord Howe look on and despair. In comments that will chill Cameron's aides, Howe writes today: "Sadly, by making it clear in January that he opposes the current terms of UK membership of the EU, the prime minister has opened a Pandora's box politically and seems to be losing control of his party in the process.	Meanwhile, party grandees such as Lord Howe look on and despair. In comments that will chill Cameron's aides, Howe writes today: "Sadly, by making it clear in January that he opposes the current terms of UK membership of the EU, the prime minister has opened a Pandora's box politically and seems to be losing control of his party in the process.
"The ratchet-effect of Euroscepticism has now gone so far that the Conservative leadership is in effect running scared of its own backbenchers, let alone Ukip, having allowed deep anti-Europeanism to infect the very soul of the party."	"The ratchet-effect of Euroscepticism has now gone so far that the Conservative leadership is in effect running scared of its own backbenchers, let alone Ukip, having allowed deep anti-Europeanism to infect the very soul of the party."
Howe's main concern is that the Tory party is inching, as its "long nervous breakdown" comes to a conclusion, towards having withdrawal from the EU as a manifesto pledge.	Howe's main concern is that the Tory party is inching, as its "long nervous breakdown" comes to a conclusion, towards having withdrawal from the EU as a manifesto pledge.
"The risk now is that, if it loses the next general election – a far from negligible possibility – the Conservative party will move to a position of simply opposing Britain's continued membership, with or without a referendum," he writes.	"The risk now is that, if it loses the next general election – a far from negligible possibility – the Conservative party will move to a position of simply opposing Britain's continued membership, with or without a referendum," he writes.
These are ominous words for Tory MPs such as Margot James, a rising star in the party, one of those on Cameron's A-list of parliamentary candidates in 2010 who were expected to deliver modern thinking to the party	These are ominous words for Tory MPs such as Margot James, a rising star in the party, one of those on Cameron's A-list of parliamentary candidates in 2010 who were expected to deliver modern thinking to the party
"Nigel Lawson has asserted that the costs of the EU membership outweigh the benefits but where is the evidence?" she asks.	"Nigel Lawson has asserted that the costs of the EU membership outweigh the benefits but where is the evidence?" she asks.
Howe today tries to offer a counterweight to the anti-EU cause. It remains to be seen if others will step up to the plate, risk the scorn of the antis, and make the case too.	Howe today tries to offer a counterweight to the anti-EU cause. It remains to be seen if others will step up to the plate, risk the scorn of the antis, and make the case too.
CAMERON ON THE EU	CAMERON ON THE EU
October 2010: "The key to a referendum is this: Are we transferring powers. If yes, a referendum. If not, no referendum."	October 2010: "The key to a referendum is this: Are we transferring powers. If yes, a referendum. If not, no referendum."
October 2011: "It's not the right time, at this moment of economic crisis, to launch legislation that includes an in-out referendum. This is not the time to argue about walking away."	October 2011: "It's not the right time, at this moment of economic crisis, to launch legislation that includes an in-out referendum. This is not the time to argue about walking away."