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Labour party: answers, not anger Labour party: answers, not anger
(5 months later)
On the face of it, the Labour party's current bout of internal political irritability makes no sense. Consider the headline political facts. Labour's opinion poll lead is stable – 11 points ahead of the Conservatives on the rolling average of all polls. Ed Miliband's leadership is not under threat. The Conservatives are turned in on themselves, fretting about Ukip and grumbling about David Cameron. Ten days of Lady Thatcher worship have not given the Tories a boost. The Liberal Democrats remain in eclipse. Meanwhile, this week's rise in unemployment and the IMF's rebuke for the UK's inert economic performance ensure that the underlying story remains grim. Labour can expect to do well in the local elections in two weeks' time, while their coalition government rivals are braced for losses. It all adds up, surely, to a case of keeping calm and carrying on?On the face of it, the Labour party's current bout of internal political irritability makes no sense. Consider the headline political facts. Labour's opinion poll lead is stable – 11 points ahead of the Conservatives on the rolling average of all polls. Ed Miliband's leadership is not under threat. The Conservatives are turned in on themselves, fretting about Ukip and grumbling about David Cameron. Ten days of Lady Thatcher worship have not given the Tories a boost. The Liberal Democrats remain in eclipse. Meanwhile, this week's rise in unemployment and the IMF's rebuke for the UK's inert economic performance ensure that the underlying story remains grim. Labour can expect to do well in the local elections in two weeks' time, while their coalition government rivals are braced for losses. It all adds up, surely, to a case of keeping calm and carrying on?
In some important senses, that is exactly the sensible response. The coalition, governing in unpopular ways in difficult times, is making Labour's job easier. Labour is not making big mistakes, and is sometimes being quite effective. Whatever Labour's difficulties and shortcomings may be, they need to be seen against this larger and generally favourable backcloth. The disagreements of the past two weeks have been significant in some ways, but they have been pretty mild, especially in historic terms, and are not beyond reconciliation. The fact is that Mr Miliband leads a party which is neither tearing itself apart nor unrealistic about what lies ahead, both in the general election and then, perhaps, in government. This is all good, as far as it goes – and it goes quite a long way. Labour needs to keep clear sight of that.In some important senses, that is exactly the sensible response. The coalition, governing in unpopular ways in difficult times, is making Labour's job easier. Labour is not making big mistakes, and is sometimes being quite effective. Whatever Labour's difficulties and shortcomings may be, they need to be seen against this larger and generally favourable backcloth. The disagreements of the past two weeks have been significant in some ways, but they have been pretty mild, especially in historic terms, and are not beyond reconciliation. The fact is that Mr Miliband leads a party which is neither tearing itself apart nor unrealistic about what lies ahead, both in the general election and then, perhaps, in government. This is all good, as far as it goes – and it goes quite a long way. Labour needs to keep clear sight of that.
But it does not go far enough, which is why the occasional sniping of the last couple of weeks should neither be exaggerated nor dismissed. Labour faces two fundamental challenges. The first is to get elected. The second is to have a strategy and priorities for government. The two things ought to be inseparable. If Labour cannot get elected it cannot govern. But if its strategy and priorities for government are not credible, it will not be elected.But it does not go far enough, which is why the occasional sniping of the last couple of weeks should neither be exaggerated nor dismissed. Labour faces two fundamental challenges. The first is to get elected. The second is to have a strategy and priorities for government. The two things ought to be inseparable. If Labour cannot get elected it cannot govern. But if its strategy and priorities for government are not credible, it will not be elected.
In essence, that was at the heart of what Tony Blair said in his New Statesman article a week ago, when he wrote that Labour's guiding principle should be to provide answers for the country rather than simply to be the repository of voters' anger. The truth, unsurprisingly when you think about it, is that Mr Miliband and Mr Blair do not disagree about this. Nor should they. The last thing that Labour should want in 2015 is to be borne into office, perhaps quite narrowly, on a tide of anti-coalition anger committed to a strategy and priorities which then crumple, as François Hollande's have done, and as would happen if some British trade union leaders have their way.In essence, that was at the heart of what Tony Blair said in his New Statesman article a week ago, when he wrote that Labour's guiding principle should be to provide answers for the country rather than simply to be the repository of voters' anger. The truth, unsurprisingly when you think about it, is that Mr Miliband and Mr Blair do not disagree about this. Nor should they. The last thing that Labour should want in 2015 is to be borne into office, perhaps quite narrowly, on a tide of anti-coalition anger committed to a strategy and priorities which then crumple, as François Hollande's have done, and as would happen if some British trade union leaders have their way.
Where Mr Miliband and Mr Blair do not see eye-to-eye is how best to build support and a programme that will win in 2015 and be sustainable through what are likely to be very tough years thereafter. Mr Miliband thinks that the financial collapse makes it necessary and possible to move the centre of gravity in British politics to the left of where it was in the Blair years. He is in some respects right about that. But Mr Blair is also right that it has not happened yet and right to warn that Labour needs to have robust answers to the tough questions about where it intends to spend limited public money, and why, before it can hope to create the space, even with its current poll lead, in which to win and govern.Where Mr Miliband and Mr Blair do not see eye-to-eye is how best to build support and a programme that will win in 2015 and be sustainable through what are likely to be very tough years thereafter. Mr Miliband thinks that the financial collapse makes it necessary and possible to move the centre of gravity in British politics to the left of where it was in the Blair years. He is in some respects right about that. But Mr Blair is also right that it has not happened yet and right to warn that Labour needs to have robust answers to the tough questions about where it intends to spend limited public money, and why, before it can hope to create the space, even with its current poll lead, in which to win and govern.
There is no reason in principle why Labour cannot combine the best of Mr Miliband's goals and strategic ideas with the best of Mr Blair's nous and practical experience. The gulf between the two, though real, is nowhere near as deep as some would like to pretend. Labour would be a stronger party if it could be bridged. It needs them both. Even more importantly, Britain would be a stronger country.There is no reason in principle why Labour cannot combine the best of Mr Miliband's goals and strategic ideas with the best of Mr Blair's nous and practical experience. The gulf between the two, though real, is nowhere near as deep as some would like to pretend. Labour would be a stronger party if it could be bridged. It needs them both. Even more importantly, Britain would be a stronger country.
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