This article is from the source 'guardian' and was first published or seen on . It last changed over 40 days ago and won't be checked again for changes.
You can find the current article at its original source at http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2013/apr/04/labour-new-politics-of-society
The article has changed 2 times. There is an RSS feed of changes available.
Previous version
1
Next version
| Version 0 | Version 1 |
|---|---|
| A new politics of society: how Labour can get back on the front foot | A new politics of society: how Labour can get back on the front foot |
| (6 months later) | |
| Is it possible to build and maintain a good society in austere times? That is the question facing every citizen of our country, and it frames the renewal of centre-left social policy that is under way. | Is it possible to build and maintain a good society in austere times? That is the question facing every citizen of our country, and it frames the renewal of centre-left social policy that is under way. |
| Since the financial crisis in 2008, there has been a vigorous debate about the future of British capitalism. Now we must match this with a period of rethinking just as profound and challenging as on the future of British society. As the government continues to rip up the social fabric, it falls to Labour to offer the hope that people from every background can come together to rebuild our society in the face of real uncertainty. This is core political terrain to be grasped, defined and owned. | Since the financial crisis in 2008, there has been a vigorous debate about the future of British capitalism. Now we must match this with a period of rethinking just as profound and challenging as on the future of British society. As the government continues to rip up the social fabric, it falls to Labour to offer the hope that people from every background can come together to rebuild our society in the face of real uncertainty. This is core political terrain to be grasped, defined and owned. |
| There was much to admire in David Cameron's early rhetoric about "compassionate Conservatism". Its criticism of the centralising instincts of the Labour government had merit, and its focus on the value of civic and associational life was powerful. However, focusing so heavily on the problems of a too bureaucratic state has left the Conservatives utterly complacent about the ways in which concentrations of market and economic power can also undermine society. And the concept of the "big society" has collapsed under cuts and contradictions when tested in government. | There was much to admire in David Cameron's early rhetoric about "compassionate Conservatism". Its criticism of the centralising instincts of the Labour government had merit, and its focus on the value of civic and associational life was powerful. However, focusing so heavily on the problems of a too bureaucratic state has left the Conservatives utterly complacent about the ways in which concentrations of market and economic power can also undermine society. And the concept of the "big society" has collapsed under cuts and contradictions when tested in government. |
| But the centre-left needs to think again too. Fiscal constraint creates a fundamentally new context and we need to go much deeper than a series of "offers" to tempt voters to the ballot box. Take, for example, our historic goal of ending child poverty. Before New Labour came to office, the previous government had doubled the number of children living in poverty. The Blair/Brown governments reversed this tide, raising the incomes of poor families and benefiting millions of children. However, this mission did not generate enough real energy in the country or capture the public imagination. In many people's eyes, this transformative vision became reduced to extensions to tax credits, in place of what should have been a national mobilisation of efforts and resources where everyone had a contribution to make. | But the centre-left needs to think again too. Fiscal constraint creates a fundamentally new context and we need to go much deeper than a series of "offers" to tempt voters to the ballot box. Take, for example, our historic goal of ending child poverty. Before New Labour came to office, the previous government had doubled the number of children living in poverty. The Blair/Brown governments reversed this tide, raising the incomes of poor families and benefiting millions of children. However, this mission did not generate enough real energy in the country or capture the public imagination. In many people's eyes, this transformative vision became reduced to extensions to tax credits, in place of what should have been a national mobilisation of efforts and resources where everyone had a contribution to make. |
| This would still have meant government having a vital role to play, and raising family incomes would have remained crucial. But, arguably, advancing towards a system of high-quality and affordable childcare, a more aggressive approach to low pay, and action to address the rising cost of living and personal debt might have had greater policy prominence. Stronger connections might also have been made to the value of time for family life, the protection of space for childhood and importance of parental responsibilities. With more than half of poor children living in a working household, the economic and labour market roots of child poverty might have been confronted more directly. | This would still have meant government having a vital role to play, and raising family incomes would have remained crucial. But, arguably, advancing towards a system of high-quality and affordable childcare, a more aggressive approach to low pay, and action to address the rising cost of living and personal debt might have had greater policy prominence. Stronger connections might also have been made to the value of time for family life, the protection of space for childhood and importance of parental responsibilities. With more than half of poor children living in a working household, the economic and labour market roots of child poverty might have been confronted more directly. |
| Without deep popular roots, the argument that family income is crucial to children's lives has not proved to be resilient in the face of those who caricature relative poverty as a statistical construct. The tax credit architecture has been partially dismantled with relatively little public outcry, under the guise of "reducing dependency" when it simply leaves hard-pressed families with less cash to make ends meet. The very language of child poverty needs to be less an analytical tool and more a call to action. | Without deep popular roots, the argument that family income is crucial to children's lives has not proved to be resilient in the face of those who caricature relative poverty as a statistical construct. The tax credit architecture has been partially dismantled with relatively little public outcry, under the guise of "reducing dependency" when it simply leaves hard-pressed families with less cash to make ends meet. The very language of child poverty needs to be less an analytical tool and more a call to action. |
| For the centre-left to get back on the intellectual and political front foot in relation to social policy and society it must start with an honest exploration of the condition of the country today: the pressures people are under and the sources of hope and energy that exist in everyday life. That is why we will watch the Institute for Public Policy Research's flagship Condition of Britain programme so closely. Labour must also level with the public about the challenges facing the country and engaging with people about the resources that can be put to better use in the service of the common good. | For the centre-left to get back on the intellectual and political front foot in relation to social policy and society it must start with an honest exploration of the condition of the country today: the pressures people are under and the sources of hope and energy that exist in everyday life. That is why we will watch the Institute for Public Policy Research's flagship Condition of Britain programme so closely. Labour must also level with the public about the challenges facing the country and engaging with people about the resources that can be put to better use in the service of the common good. |
| Our approach will be driven by creating the conditions for people to come together to improve their lives together, rather than suggesting that there is a government solution to every social problem. And it will focus central state capacity on strategic goals rather than the fine detail of policy implementation. This will often involve using the state to affect the circumstances of people's lives, but will also require everyone to contribute, step up and take responsibility. | Our approach will be driven by creating the conditions for people to come together to improve their lives together, rather than suggesting that there is a government solution to every social problem. And it will focus central state capacity on strategic goals rather than the fine detail of policy implementation. This will often involve using the state to affect the circumstances of people's lives, but will also require everyone to contribute, step up and take responsibility. |
| Our approach will be explicitly majoritarian, drawing in all classes not targeting an underclass. And we will remember that the excesses of both the state and markets can dominate and disempower, while each can also liberate and mobilise human potential when put to proper use and placed under democratic constraint. | Our approach will be explicitly majoritarian, drawing in all classes not targeting an underclass. And we will remember that the excesses of both the state and markets can dominate and disempower, while each can also liberate and mobilise human potential when put to proper use and placed under democratic constraint. |
| Getting under the skin of society is crucial for understanding the issues that really matter to people, as opposed to the concerns of the political elite. Just as important, it is vital in grasping how those issues are experienced, talked about and coped with in everyday life. Labour's priorities must start from people's lives – their struggles, hopes, fears and dreams – not an abstract utopia. This is also how real energy and purpose for a new social politics can be generated. And it will be how our policy review proceeds. | Getting under the skin of society is crucial for understanding the issues that really matter to people, as opposed to the concerns of the political elite. Just as important, it is vital in grasping how those issues are experienced, talked about and coped with in everyday life. Labour's priorities must start from people's lives – their struggles, hopes, fears and dreams – not an abstract utopia. This is also how real energy and purpose for a new social politics can be generated. And it will be how our policy review proceeds. |
| • A longer version of this article appears in IPPR's Juncture journal | • A longer version of this article appears in IPPR's Juncture journal |
| Our editors' picks for the day's top news and commentary delivered to your inbox each morning. |
Previous version
1
Next version