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Facing Tests, Malaysia’s Leader Calls for Elections
Facing Tests, Malaysia’s Leader Calls for Elections
(about 1 hour later)
KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia — More than five decades ago this multiethnic country started an experiment in democracy that segregated political parties according to ethnicity. Justified in the name of ethnic harmony and stability, the system remained in place as Malaysia became increasingly prosperous.
KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia — When the prime minister of Malaysia, Najib Razak, announced on Wednesday that he was dissolving Parliament, he set in motion an election campaign that will render judgment not just on his embattled governing coalition, but also on Malaysia’s longstanding system of dividing the power and spoils of public life on ethnic lines.
But at a time when an African-American is president of the United States and intermarriage and greater mobility are blurring the meaning of ethnicity across the globe, Malaysia’s ethnic-based politics is increasingly being seen, especially among young people here, as anachronistic.
“This is a referendum on race-based politics,” Ibrahim Suffian, the director of the Merdeka Center, an independent polling agency, said of the election. “The ruling coalition continues to argue that the existing system brings stability. The opposition is talking more about politics based on class, not race.”
On Wednesday, Prime Minister Najib Razak announced he was dissolving Parliament, setting in motion an election campaign that is critical for the survival of his embattled coalition — and for the notion of the country’s ethnic-based politics over all.
The country has been ruled since independence in 1957 by a coalition, now known as the National Front, whose three main members are parties that define themselves on explicitly racial lines: one for Malays, the country’s largest ethnic group; one for Chinese, and one for Indians. But in recent years, the cohesion of those groups has begun to fray.
“This is a referendum on race-based politics,” said Ibrahim Suffian, the director of the Merdeka Center, an independent polling agency. “The ruling coalition continues to argue that the existing system brings stability. The opposition is talking more about politics based on class, not race.”
Chinese voters, who make up about one-quarter of the country’s population of nearly 30 million, have abandoned the coalition in large numbers, and the Malays who have dominated the political hierarchy for five decades are divided.
The National Front coalition has ruled without interruption since Malaysia became independent from Britain in 1957. But in recent years ethnic cohesion in politics has begun to fray.
“How can you have a country based on race — it’s like South Africa 30 years ago,” said Nariza Hashim, a voter in Kuala Lumpur who is classified as Malay but who has Chinese, Indian and Scottish as well as Malay ancestors.
Chinese voters, who make up about a quarter of the population of nearly 30 million, have abandoned the coalition in large numbers.
Though her grandfather was an early leader of the United Malays National Organization, the Malay component of the coalition, Ms. Nariza said the country’s ethnic classifications baffle her five children. “They really don’t understand why you would ask someone’s race on a government form,” she said.
The country’s main ethnic group, the Malays, who have dominated the political hierarchy for five decades, are divided.
The ethnic system has been reinforced over the years by paternalistic news media with close ties to the ruling coalition. A leading English-language daily, the New Straits Times, ran an article about the elections on its front page Wednesday with a photograph of Mr. Najib waving his index finger, next to the headline, “Choose wisely.”
“How can you have a country based on race? It’s like South Africa 30 years ago,” said Nariza Hashim, a mother of five children in Kuala Lumpur who is classified as Malay, but has a heritage that includes Chinese, Indian and Scottish ancestors.
But young Malaysians are increasingly cynical about the view they see in the establishment press. As Internet access has spread — two-thirds of Malaysians can now use it, up from about 55 percent at the last election in 2008 — independent voices and opposition parties have had an easier time reaching voters.
Despite an establishment pedigree — her grandfather was an early leader of the United Malays National Organization, the Malay component of the coalition — Ms. Nariza says the country’s ethnic classifications baffle her children.
“A lot of what I know about what’s happening in the country comes from what my friends share on Facebook,” said Pei Ting Tham, a 27-year-old outdoor sports instructor. “People are much more aware of what’s going on.”
“They really don’t understand why you would ask someone’s race on a government form,” she said.
Some Malaysian policies that discouraged people speaking out have been repealed over the last two years, including laws barring university students from politics and allowing for detention without trial.
Over the years the ethnic system was reinforced by a paternalistic media with close ties to the governing coalition. The front page on Wednesday of The New Straits Times, a leading English daily, had an article about the elections with a picture of Mr. Najib waving his index finger next to the headline “Choose wisely.”
The opposition, led by Anwar Ibrahim, a former deputy prime minister, made major gains in the 2008 elections, winning control of several states and enough seats in Parliament to deny the ruling coalition the two-thirds supermajority that had allowed it to amend the Constitution at will. This time around, analysts and polling experts say, the opposition has its first chance to win outright.
Young Malaysians are increasingly cynical about these messages. Widespread Internet penetration has given them a wider variety of news sources and a platform for opposition parties to communicate their messages. Two-thirds of Malaysians now have access to the Internet, up from about 55 percent at the time of the 2008 elections.
The way the electoral system is structured and constituency boundaries are drawn may still give the National Front the edge. It won only 51 percent of the total popular vote in 2008, but that translated to 63 percent of the seats in Parliament.
“A lot of what I know about what’s happening in the country comes from what my friends share on Facebook,” said Pei Ting Tham, a 27-year-old outdoors instructor.
But Mr. Ibrahim of the polling agency said the government faced a challenge in winning over new voters, who appear “more inclined” to vote for the opposition. More than one-quarter of the electorate this year will be voting for the first time.
Compared with the previous election, “people are much more aware of what’s going on,” she said.
Chinese voters are another challenge. Longstanding preferences for ethnic Malays in land purchases, bank loans and university admissions have angered and alienated Chinese Malaysians.
Another key change in Malaysia has been the rollback of some of the mildly authoritarian policies that discouraged people in the country from speaking out. Over the last two years, Mr. Najib has announced the repeal of laws that allow for detention without trial and barred university students from politics.
“We are always reminded that we are not full-fledged citizens,” said Ms. Tham, the outdoors instructor, who said she intended to vote for the opposition.
The opposition, led by Anwar Ibrahim, a former deputy prime minister, made major gains in the 2008 elections, winning control of several states and stripping the governing coalition of the two-thirds supermajority majority in Parliament that allowed it to amend the Constitution.
Mr. Najib sounded defensive at times as he announced the dissolution of Parliament on national television. “Don’t gamble the future of your children and Malaysia,” he said. “Think and contemplate as much as you can before making a decision. Because that will determine the direction of the country and also your grandchildren’s future.”
“This is an election where the opposition has a chance of winning — which they never had in the past,” said Mr. Ibrahim of the Merdeka Center, the polling agency.
The precise date has yet to be set by the country’s election commission, but the vote must be held within two months; Malaysian media speculation centered on late April. State legislatures will be elected the same day.
The governing coalition may still prevail, partly because of the way the electoral system is structured. The National Front won only 51 percent of the popular vote in the last election, but that translated to 63 percent of the seats in Parliament. The reason: In what critics describe as gerrymandering, urban constituencies, where the opposition to the government is strong, tend to have tens of thousands of voters represented by a single lawmaker, while rural constituencies, the strongholds of the ruling coalition, typically have far fewer.
Although the opposition has held some power at the state level over the last five years, some people still see a vote for the opposition as a leap in the dark.
The challenge for the government, Mr. Ibrahim said, will be winning over the flood of new voters who appear “more inclined” to vote for the opposition.
“Malaysians have been so loyal — it was blind loyalty,” Ms. Nariza said. “We grew up with this system, and there was never a strong alternative. Now there is. Can they deliver? We don’t know.”
Numerous civic organizations have carried out voter registration drives in recent years, and in the coming election more than a quarter of the electorate will be voting for the first time.
Another challenge for the governing coalition will be winning back Chinese voters, who have shifted away from the party that is supposed to represent their interests in the coalition, the Malaysian Chinese Association.
Longstanding government policies that reserve quotas for Malays at universities and offer preferential terms for bank loans and land purchases have angered and alienated Chinese voters.
“We are always reminded that we are not full-fledged citizens,” said Ms. Tham, the outdoors instructor.
She describes a sort of awakening among Chinese electorate.
Despite different ethnicity, she said, “we are all citizens.”
“We all need to earn money. We all need to send our children to school,” she said, adding she plans to vote for the opposition.
Mr. Najib, who announced that he was dissolving Parliament on national television, sounded at times defensive during his remarks.
“Don’t gamble the future of your children and Malaysia,” he said. “Think and contemplate as much as you can before making a decision. Because that will determine the direction of the country and also your grandchildren’s future.”
The exact timing of the election, which must be held within two months of the dissolution of Parliament, will not be known until the country’s election commission makes an announcement, possibly next week. Malaysian media have reported that they are likely to be held later this month. Elections for state legislatures will take place simultaneously with the elections for the federal Parliament.
Although the opposition has been tested over the last five years at the state level — two of the wealthiest and most developed states, Selangor and Penang, were in the opposition’s hands for the first time — there is still a fear of the unknown among some voters.
“Malaysians have been so loyal; it was blind loyalty,” Ms. Nariza said. “We grew up with this system, and there was never a strong alternative. Now there is. Can they deliver? We don’t know.”
